David McCullough: Why The Men Who Created the Constitution Were Not Soundbite Men with Soundbite Minds

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Maximo de una ferta por cuenta. Here to tell the story of the Constitution is the late, great historian David McCullough at a Constitution Day event at the National Archives in 2011. Let's get into the story. We're talking today about a document that's old by our standards, but not old as history goes. Our country is not old as history goes.

There are cathedrals in France and elsewhere in Europe that were built and still stand and still evoke responses from everyone who comes there that were built before Columbus ever set sail. We are a new society, a new event in history, as old as some of it may seem from our point of view. Now another lesson of history is that some people have the capacity to see adversity as opportunity.

Adversity is often extremely difficult and sometimes tragic and sometimes heartbreaking, but adversity can also be an opportunity to change things, to improve, to pioneer, to build. And then there's the very real and very pertinent lesson of history concerning this subject of this morning. And that is that America is a combined effort. Very little of consequence is ever accomplished alone. Very little of consequence is ever accomplished alone.

One person may get a lot of credit or all the credit, but never is it just one person. And this combined effort, many heads and many hands, as James Madison said, is the reason why the Constitution happened. Now in the summer of 1787, our country was in very bad shape. It was a time of turbulence, time of uncertainty, time of worry, suffering.

People were in debt, seriously in debt. Crops had failed in many parts of the country. There was deep fear and deep unrest. One of the most notable examples of that was Western Massachusetts, which gave rise to what was known as the Shays Rebellion, which was a serious event. Thousands of farmers descending on a city of Springfield, the armory there to try and get the weapons, being stopped by a military force.

Americans against Americans. Now, it didn't come to an awful lot, but it set a tremor of fear through the whole country. The problem was the federal government wasn't very strong. There really wasn't a federal government. We had the Articles of Confederation.

We had no chief executive. The Revolutionary War was fought without a president. The president was the commander in chief, if you will, George Washington. So you could see George Washington as not just having been president of the United States for eight years, but having served more than eight years as commander in chief. So in all, he was really the figurehead, the leader of our country for 16 years.

And if he had not attended the Constitutional Convention, the Constitutional Convention might not have succeeded. His presence, his gravitas, his importance, his integrity were essential. Now, it's a great cast of characters who met there in Philadelphia in 1787. Five of them are worth noting.

All of them are worth noting. James Madison, who probably worked harder, very quiet, small man, poor health, very intelligent, and very dedicated. Alexander Hamilton from New York, who was a spectacular talker, a stimulating prodigy of a mind, charming, charismatic. Ben Franklin, the wise old man of the scene, of the play, if you will, who doesn't say an awful lot during this session, but whose presence, like Washington's, is immensely important.

Gouverneur Morris, who was tall, handsome, talked more than anybody from Pennsylvania, another very important figure. They're meeting in Philadelphia in secret, in the same room where the Declaration of Independence was worked out and signed. Many of you, I hope, have been there. You've seen it. It's not a very large room.

It's not a vast, impressive gathering place. And its importance to our story as a country, to who we are and what we stand for, could not be greater. One of the historians has said that the Constitution is our crowning work, was the crowning work of the American Revolution.

It was indeed, but keep in mind, it's not a crown of gold and jewels. It's a crown of words on paper. Words matter. What we say, what we profess to believe, as expressed in words, matter.

Not just at the moment, but possibly for a very long time to come. The pen is a sword. The pen can be a weapon, but the pen can also be a magic wand. And when you think of what these relatively few people did, in very little time, three months, meeting in that room with the windows closed, because they don't want word to get out, sentries at the windows to keep people from coming up and listening, in that heat of Philadelphia and the community, this is punishment. But they're working in secret, not to keep anybody from knowing, but to keep the politicians, the ambitious statesmen, if you will, who are in that room from grandstanding.

From saying things for effect, for saying things for popularity, or to make an impression back home. Not their business. Their business is to hammer out a document that will stand the test of time. And when we come back, more of the story of the Constitution and the men who wrote it, the men who created it, here on Our American Stories. Lee Habib here, host of Our American Stories. Every day on this show we bring you stories of America, stories of us. And it's because of listeners like you that we're able to tell the story of this great and beautiful country every day.

Our stories will always be free to listen to, but they're not free to make. If you love what you hear, consider making a tax-deductible donation to Our American Stories. Visit OurAmericanStories.com to give. Give a little, give a lot. Any amount helps.

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Let's return to the story. That was asking a great deal of those people. Three months away from home, three months away from their work, three months of very hard, concentrated effort under difficult circumstances. Calling upon their patriotism, not the flag-waving patriotism, chest-beating kind, but the kind of getting down to do serious, difficult work in a very serious, worrisome time. But those people saw this as our chance to do it right. If we're going to do it, let's do it right. What they worked out, as I hope all of you know, is the basic structure of our government.

And that's easy to say, and it's easy to say, oh yes, I know that. The bicameral legislature, the chief executive, and the judiciary. What they were really working out is a national government, a national government with power, which is the very issue that troubles so many people today. So, is all of this relevant to the world we live in? It certainly is, every day. Should you understand it? Should you think about it? Absolutely.

All the time. We can never know enough about the founding fathers as they've come to be known. Never know enough. And we're learning more all the time. It isn't an old story that's been just talked to death.

And it is, again, infinitely compelling because of its human frailties and human soaring. One of the mistakes people make, very often, is that they read about a success, an accomplishment that improves an old problem, that dispenses with what was inadequate before. And they think it was a perfect job, therefore, and that what was there before was inadequate and a failure.

Now, there is a great deal to be said for that point of view, but it's almost always not quite complete. The Articles of Confederation were weak. They didn't have an executive to run the country. Taxing power wasn't there. Power to control diplomatic negotiations for the whole country wasn't there.

On and on. But the Articles of Confederation, as weak as it was, got us through eight and a half years of the Revolutionary War. The most bloody war in our history on a per capita basis, except for the Civil War. People forget that. And just because they wore funny clothes and walked around with wigs on and so forth doesn't mean that they weren't human beings suffering all the horrors of war. It isn't just the number of people who were killed.

It's all the people who have been wounded and stricken with disease and taken away from their families for years at a time on terrible food and no pay. All somehow or other, the Articles of Confederation and that government that was in Philadelphia managed to do it. Also, ironically, the same summer, this tumultuous, troubled summer of 1787, under the Articles of Confederation was passed the Northwest Ordinance. Think about this.

Think. The Northwest Ordinance created a new part of the country for the future's development. Five states would result from it. Ohio, Indiana, Illinois, Michigan, and Wisconsin. A territory bigger than the entire nation of France. Center of the Great Lakes.

One of the most valuable, most American places on the map. And they specified there would be no slavery before we even had a Constitution. No slavery in those states.

And that there would be public education. Neither of which would wind up in the Constitution. So they were ahead of the Constitution in that respect. So to just dismiss the Articles of Confederation as having been largely a failure is to not understand what really happened. The fact that there was no slavery in those states would change our whole history.

And, of course, it was admirable in the extreme. The fact that they saw that education was essential to our whole system, to its success, and did something about it, didn't just talk about it. Jefferson said, any nation that expects to be ignorant and free expects what never was and never will be. But there's nothing in the Constitution about that. The other point I want to make is that the Constitution isn't a success entirely.

Martin Luther King put it very well that it was a promissory note because it ducked, it avoided the issue of slavery. The issue would ultimately lead into the worst calamity in the history of our country, the Civil War. 600,000 people died because of slavery in that war. 600,000 people.

And that's not counting all the people that went home with one arm or no legs. We are accountable for what we do. History shows that. And we are capable of rising up out of terrible, troubled times and doing something thrilling that is a symbol of affirmation. And the Constitution is that. Even before the amendments were added, the Bill of Rights, even before the 14th Amendment was finally added, ending slavery. We keep fixing it.

Now whether the Constitution should be taken literally or should be judged by the temper and the problems of the moment by the jurists is a continuing issue. The great effort was to find a middle way. That's what they were struggling for in that hot room with the windows closed.

Find the middle way together. And they succeeded in doing it. And it might not have gone that way.

That's the other thing. History is never on a track. We're often taught this follow, this follow, that follow, that. You've got to memorize it.

It'll be on the test on Wednesday. And therefore it had to come out that way. It never had to come out any one way or another. And what they achieved at Philadelphia was like nothing else that had ever been achieved. Words on paper. A Constitution on paper. A written Constitution. Still, still the law of the land. Still part of who we are and what we believe. There are only five, I believe, colleges or universities or institutions of higher learning in our country that require their students to take at least one term on the Constitution.

Three of them are military academies. Now if you say to someone, do you think it's a good idea that officers in the military should know the Constitution? Oh yes, they certainly should. What about all the rest of us? What about all of us?

Not just incoming people from elsewhere in the world applying to become citizens have to take a very good, serious test in American history. We all should. It's part of our job.

It's part of being a citizen. And it's infinitely interesting. I think that everybody should go to Philadelphia at some point and go into that room and think about what was done there. Think about those human beings and their frailies. Some of them got in a lot of trouble later on, personally or professionally. Some of them peaked, as we would say, then. But while they were there, they were using the best ability they had. They were thinking this wasn't a sound bite opportunity to be practiced by sound bite brains. These were serious people. And indeed serious people they were. They were certainly not sound bite people or sound bite minds. It's why we have not the oldest nation, but we certainly have the oldest Constitution, is what those guys did. On those days in Philadelphia, those sweltering days, was truly a miracle.

When we come back, more of how the Constitution came to be, here on Our American Stories. We asked 100,000 people to get the results they want without expensive equipment or the hassle of a gym. It's the annual Love Your Body event. Last year, we helped thousands of people succeed.

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Go to CheapCaribbean.com to start saving. And we return to our American stories and the final portion of our story on the Constitution and its drafters and signers with the late, great David McCullough. Let's pick up where we last left off. Some of them got in a lot of trouble later on, personally or professionally. Some of them peaked as we would say then. But while they were there, they were using the best ability they had.

They were thinking this wasn't a sound bite opportunity to be practiced by sound bite brains. These were serious people. Now most of them, over half of them, were under 40 years old. Don't think of these wise old founding fathers. Some of them were, like Franklin.

Most of them were quite young. But they'd had the experience of the war, which did not make them anything but versed, steeped in the realities of tragedy and accomplishment and courage and faith. Look at the First Amendment alone, for example. What would we be without that? Freedom of speech, freedom of religion, freedom of the press. What's that mean?

It means freedom of expression, freedom to use your mind, freedom to have ideas. One historian has called history the inexhaustible storehouse of ideas. Think of it as that. Don't think of history as memorizing dates or quotations from great pronouncements.

You can look those things up in a book. Think of it as an adventure. Think of it as a human, unfolding human story of infinite interest in which more happens that is unbelievable than happens in most works of fiction. The truth is often much stranger than fiction and more illuminating. And fortunately, a great deal of it has been superbly written down the ages. Those people are all teaching us something. And they're asking us to get to know them better and to get to know what they went through to achieve what they did in difficult times. We just celebrated the 10th anniversary of the attack on the World Trade Center and on the Pentagon here.

And I remember vividly I was here when it happened. People on television and elsewhere in the press saying this is the darkest, most difficult time we've ever been through. Well, it is indeed a very dark and very difficult time, but we have been through worse. And one of the values of history is that it makes it possible, helps you to keep the dark times in proportion.

Other people have faced as difficult or worse and look what they did. That should be an inspiration. The story of the writing of the Constitution of our country should be an inspiration to us. Now, it's very important that we know what they wrote, but I want to stress one more thing. It's very important that we know also what they read because we are what we read. What were Washington, Jefferson, Franklin, John Adams, Jefferson, what were they reading when they were students? What were they reading through life? From which writers, which words were they taking inspiration? One of them we know was Alexander Pope, the great English poet and his elegy man. Act well your part, there all the honor lies.

They all knew it, they all quoted it. What's that mean? Act well your part, history, luck, fate, God, choose how you wish to say it, has cast you in a role.

Play it the best you can. Why? For money? No. For power? No. Celebrity?

No. Honor. We don't hear much about honor these days.

Act well your part, there all the honor lies. Now that doesn't mean they always were able to do that, but they were striving for that objective. And if you understand that, you can understand who they were and why they were the way they were a great deal more succinctly. In 1779, a full eight years before the Constitutional Convention, Massachusetts passed its Constitution. And the Constitution of Massachusetts was not just a harbinger or a preview of what was to come in the National Constitution, it was a model.

Everything has its antecedents, everything has some hint, some forecast in previous times. And in this Massachusetts Constitution is a clause, a paragraph written by John Adams. John Adams was not in Philadelphia, nor was Jefferson, as I'm sure you know, because they were serving as diplomats in Europe.

But they were reacting to it, they were keenly interested in all the latest news. When the word came through that it had finally been passed, Adams wrote immediately to say it's marvelous, it's a tremendous accomplishment, but it needs a Bill of Rights. Jefferson did not say much about needing a Bill of Rights for quite some time, but eventually came around seeing it that way. But the paragraph that Adams wrote for the Massachusetts Constitution is the note I would like to conclude my remarks to you this morning on.

When he wrote it, he was sure that it would be rejected, but he just had to do it to ease his own mind. It was passed unanimously and is still part of the Constitution of the Commonwealth of Massachusetts. Wisdom and knowledge, as well as virtue, diffused generally among the body of the people, is necessary for the preservation of their rights and liberties. And as these depend on spreading the opportunities and advantages of education in various parts of the country, and among the different orders of people, in other words, everybody, it shall be the duty, the duty of legislators and magistrates in all future periods of this Commonwealth to cherish the interests of literature and the sciences in all the public schools and grammar schools.

For the promotion of agriculture, now listen to this list, it includes everything virtually. For the promotion of agriculture, arts, sciences, commerce, trades, manufacturers, and the natural history of the country, to countenance and inculcate the principles of humanity and general benevolence, public and private charity, industry and frugality, honesty and punctuality in their dealings, sincerity, good humor, there shall be good humor, and all social affections and generous sentiments among the people. Who could write anything like that today and get it passed? His faith in education was as the bulwark of society. When he was a young man, he wrote the following, John Adams was a farmer's son, John Adams was the only founding father who never owned a slave as a matter of principle. He was 25 years old when he wrote in his little diary, I must judge for myself, but how can I judge? How can anyone judge unless his mind has been opened and enlarged by reading? And on that, I close my remarks and thank you very much. And you've been listening to the late, great David McCulloch telling the story of the Constitution back in 2011 at the National Archives. And he said something so interesting, to talk about what they wrote, we had to talk about and have to talk about what they were reading.

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