Thomas Paine: The "First Man" of The Revolution 

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Let's get into the story. As much as any hero of our American revolution, Thomas Paine, embraced both the revolution and its leader, George Washington. Of the revolution, Paine said, the sun never shined on a cause of greater worth.

And of Washington, he pledged, I shall never suffer a hint of dishonor or disrespect to you to pass on notice. Washington felt the same way about Paine and ordered his officers to read Paine's words to the troops on the banks of the Delaware River on Christmas 1776. Paine's words rang out through the darkness. These are the times that try men's souls. The summer soldier and the sunshine patriot will shrink from this crisis and service to his country.

But he that stands now deserves the thanks of all mankind. With Paine's explosive words in every soldier's mind and heart, Washington's troops rose as one that night. They boarded rafts across the Delaware River through huge chunks of ice and stormed into Trenton, New Jersey. Paine landed with them, firing his musket in concert with theirs. After months of humiliating defeats, the victory at Trenton that Paine inspired lifted the morale of an entire people. And it convinced the American Army that it could win the war of independence against a much stronger, better equipped British Army. George Washington hailed Paine as a hero. He said Paine's words had convinced Americans of the righteousness of separating from Britain. Paine became the most widely read author in America.

He wrote dozens of essays, earning tens of thousands of dollars, of which he kept not a penny for himself. He ordered his printers to give every cent he earned to Congress to buy war supplies for George Washington and the Continental Army. The net result was that by war's end, we won the war, but Thomas Paine was dead broke. When Washington learned of Paine's distress, he wrote to Paine immediately.

He said, if you will come to this encampment and partake with me, I shall be exceedingly happy to see you. Paine accepted Washington's invitation, but he was so broke he had to borrow a dollar to get there. Let's go back a lot of years to Paine's origins.

He was the son of an English tradesman who made corset stays for a living in a small English town 75 miles north of London. Paine was headed for the same life, except for his father's insistence that he attend Quaker meetings every Sunday. Well, his congregants sat silently in the Quaker meeting house awaiting a signal from God.

All young Tom Paine heard were the shrieks from the town whipping post. He was unwilling to believe those shrieks were the voice of God. He quit the church. He left home and decided what he needed was an education. I do not believe in any church, he said.

All churches appear to be nothing but human inventions. Although England had no free schools, King Charles II had founded the Royal Society of London for improving natural knowledge. It offered free lectures by noted scholars and scientists and access to one of the world's largest libraries at the time. Like Benjamin Franklin and George Washington and many other great men in those times, Tom Paine educated himself. He devoured books on philosophy, Greek and Roman history, mythology, sciences such as electricity, hydrostatics, mechanics and astronomy.

He was brilliant. He absorbed enough for the equivalent of two or three university educations by himself. To support himself, he got a steady but low-paying job as a tax collector and he also wrote newspaper articles. He was a freelance writer and he submitted articles for a little money to local newspapers and publications. He became quite skilled as a writer and because of those skills, his fellow tax collectors asked him to write a petition to parliament for higher wages.

The petition was a beautifully written work and it got him fired. It left him bankrupt and facing debtors' prison. Some of his writings, though, had caught the eye of Benjamin Franklin. Franklin was in London at the time.

He was serving Pennsylvania and several other states as their agent in parliament. He and Paine became close friends. As the law closed in on Paine, Franklin gave him the money to flee to America and he gave him letters of introduction to important figures there, including his brother, who was governor of New Jersey.

One of those letters got Paine a job as editor of a start-up magazine. And one of the essays he wrote captured the attention of readers across America, England and the Western world. In it, he declared that Britain, which claimed to be a free country, owed all its subjects freedom, owed all its subjects sanctity of their property and free exercise of religion. In absolute governments, the king is law, Paine wrote.

But in free countries, the law ought to be king and there ought to be no other law than the rights of mankind. He urged Americans to overthrow the king. He asked, why should someone rule over us simply because he's someone else's child?

He called it absurd. After all, there had once been no kings. Hereditary rule defied common sense, which is what he called his essay. Common sense shocked the Western world. It universalized the war of independence in America by claiming the cause of America is the cause of all mankind.

It was heresy. Church leaders and royals across the world insisted that God had appointed them to power, and most people they governed were too ignorant not to believe them. Thomas Paine did not believe them, and his words convinced tens of thousands of ordinary Americans to agree. They and their forebears had crossed oceans and tamed the wilderness with their bare hands in the help of God. No nobleman, no churchman, no kings had helped them clear their lands and grow their crops. So when tax collectors showed up demanding that they give the king and parliament part of what they earned, they echoed Thomas Paine's words of defiance.

They picked up their muskets and rebelled against royal rule. Common sense became the most widely read work in the Western world after only the Bible. Someone said that without the pen of Paine, the sword of Washington would have been wielded in vain. And John Adams said, I know not whether any man in the world has had more influence in the inhabitants or its affairs than Tom Paine. Call it the Age of Paine. And you've been listening to Harlow Giles Unger tell the story of Thomas Paine. And by the way, if you haven't read Common Sense in a long time, read it.

It is just spectacular rhetoric. And it was indeed the most widely read book in the West by far. Two hundred and fifty thousand copies sold. Unimaginable in the nation of at the time, just a few million. Paine embraced the revolution and Washington right from the go, having come from London and fled London thanks to Benjamin Franklin. In that essay, Common Sense, in which he urged Americans to overthrow the king, he said, why should someone rule over us?

Because he was born someone's son. And indeed, without him, the revolutionary war is not possible. That's how powerful the words were when we come back. More of the remarkable story of Thomas Paine, the father of the American Revolution, here on Our American Stories. Hello, it is Ryan, and we could all use an extra bright spot in our day, couldn't we?

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Let's get back to the story. He wrote several crisis essays as letters addressed to British military commanders asking Lord Howe, How do you expect to conquer America? He said the war was like a game of checkers.

We can move out of one square to let you come in while we take two or three of yours for one of ours. We can always prevent defeat. How do you expect to conquer us? In another crisis essay, he mocked Parliament asking, Why haven't you conquered us?

Who and what has prevented you? Your armies are the world's largest. They arrived in America without incident.

No uncommon fortune has intervened. And then in a letter to the people of England, he said he couldn't understand Britain's motives for going to war. You enjoyed America's whole commerce before you began to try to conquer us. The country and commerce were both your own, as they had been for 100 years.

What then in the name of heaven would you go to war for? It was the kind of indisputable logic that Paine offered the world. It infuriated the British who had no answers, of course, and made Americans double over with laughter while firing up their spirits.

It was all common sense. Well, I think you all know we won the war of independence. But as I said, it left Tom Paine a pauper. By then, George Washington loved Paine like a brother, invited him to live with him at his encampment. And Washington then worked furiously to get the great writer his just compensation. He convinced a few state leaders and Congress to award Paine some money.

And New York gave Paine a farm of several hundred acres that it had seized from a Tory just north of New York City in New Rochelle. Paine thanked Washington for, in his words, the friendship you have shown me and the pains you have taken to promote my interests. Paine was an accomplished poet as well as essayist, and he gave Washington a song whose lyrics he wrote for the general to the melody of Rule Britannia. The money and land that Washington secured for him gave Paine enough security to settle on his farm and begin practicing self-taught engineering skills. Like Franklin, he was a great tinkerer and inventor, which is another aspect that drew them together as friends. The greatest and most famous of Paine's inventions was a self-supporting single span arched iron bridge that helped revolutionize bridge building.

He and his bridge designs are in every engineering work on the history of bridges in the world. Franklin thought it was great, and he urged Paine to take his model of it to France and England, where legislators were more enthusiastic about industrial advances than we were here in America. But while he was in Philadelphia, Paine got involved in politics there. Independence had left Congress conducting foreign affairs and every other aspect of government by committee.

But Congress only met for a few weeks every year, and most members spent most of their time at home. The Committee on Foreign Affairs needed a full-time secretary to correspond continually with foreign leaders. Franklin turned down the job. He was the obvious choice. He cited his age and his ailments. So John Adams moved to appoint Thomas Paine. Franklin seconded the appointment, and Congress named Thomas Paine the staymaker refugee from England secretary to the Committee on Foreign Affairs. Although he was only responsible for keeping committee records and drafting member correspondence, long member absences left him without instructions and forced him to write his own replies to many of these leaders from overseas. To ensure the attention of the people he wrote to, he inflated his title a bit to Secretary for Foreign Affairs. In effect, he appointed himself America's first Secretary of State.

The absence of Congress also allowed him to organize official documents. Many showed that merchants in Congress had profited from the war by charging the Army more for supplies than they charged civilian customers. He had contributed all his own earnings to the war effort, and he was outraged when he learned what members of Congress were doing. He wrote to the newspapers charging congressional leaders with plundering public money, and he called them unfit for duty in Congress. It was a bad move. War profiteering by public officials was not against the law then, and merchant banker Robert Morris, who had profited most from the war, was furious.

By becoming a delegate in Congress, Morris argued, I did not relinquish my right of forming mercantile connections. And Gouverneur Morris, an unrelated partner of Robert Morris, was even angrier. He vowed revenge and demanded Paine's ouster.

He got it, and Paine was out. So he took Benjamin Franklin's advice and took his sketches and a small iron bridge model to Europe. In contrast to the bad feelings he left behind in Philadelphia, France cheered Thomas Paine as the celebrated author of Common Sense.

And when Paine displayed the model of his iron bridge, the French Academy of Sciences hailed it as an engineering marvel. But the people of Paris were in no mood to build bridges. They were hungry, even starving. Too many foreign wars had bankrupted the nation. Uncontrolled rioting erupted in Paris and across France. And Paine, who couldn't speak a word of French, wisely left for England with his bridge model. He arrived there just after a major bridge had collapsed across the Thames. So British civic officials besieged him with requests to see his sketches of his iron bridge. It was so popular a British ironworks built a scale model in a field outside London and thousands visited it. Officials promised dozens of orders, but the orders were not issued very promptly.

They had to get subsidies to finance these bridges. Paine got tired of waiting when he learned that the Bastille prison in Paris had fallen and that his friends from the revolution, Lafayette and American ambassador Thomas Jefferson, were trying to help establish a French constitutional monarchy. Paine decided to join them. He wrote to Washington boasting that a share in two revolutions is living to some purpose. Off to Paris, then to London and back to Paris. When we come back, more of the story of the founder of the American Revolution, Thomas Paine, here on Our American Stories. Focus Features presents the inspirational true story that kept the world breathless.

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Let's return to the story. So for the second time in a dozen years, Paine rode off like Don Quixote to change the course of world history. He joined Lafayette and Jefferson and helped write the great preamble to the first constitution in French history, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and the Citizen. It anticipated America's Bill of Rights, granted French citizens freedom of speech, freedom of assembly, and other so-called natural rights. With another revolution under his belt, Paine then wrote a book he called The Rights of Man.

He dedicated Part 1 to Washington and Part 2 to Lafayette. Like common sense, it proved outrageous for the times. He wrote that every history of the creation agrees that all men are born equal. And then he quoted the Bible, and God said, let us make man in our own image. From that, Paine concluded man existed before governments, before religions. So that men like William the Conqueror, who invaded England, seized power and declared himself king, a Frenchman of all places.

Men like that were nothing more than thugs who then united with priests to create the myth of divine right and get rich by enslaving the people and exploiting the natural resources of the countries they ruled. Like common sense, the rights of man flew off the printing presses. London's printer alone sold 60,000 copies. The Irish bought more than 40,000.

Europe absorbed another 30,000. And in America, the Secretary of State, Thomas Jefferson, who had returned from France by then, paid for the printing of an American edition. But as you probably guessed, Paine's rights of man enraged King George and England's Parliament.

They banned it, ordered all copies seized and burned. They considered Paine still a British subject and ordered his arrest for treason, a crime punishable by an especially cruel death of being drawn and quartered by four horses. Paine's friend, the great poet, William Blake, helped Paine escape from London, and he barely avoided capture at Dover, jumping aboard a boat for France just as British police approached the pier. But when he arrived in France the next day, thousands cheered him and his rights of man. Four towns elected him to the French National Assembly, which voted him honorary French citizenship even though he still couldn't speak a word of French. But the cheers of entry faded away a few months later when the radical lawyer, Maximilien Robespierre, organized radicals in the National Assembly and moved to execute the French king for treason. With a translator at his side, Paine stood in the National Assembly defying Robespierre, calling execution inhumane. He urged exiling the king to America, where he said the king was a hero for having supported American independence. Ironically, as the French National Assembly debated the French king's fate in Paris, a court was debating Paine's fate in London.

Both verdicts were the same, guilty. Paine tried and almost succeeded in saving the king's life and only lost the final ballot by one vote. The king died on the guillotine a month later. Paine's effort to save the king cost him dearly. Infuriated by Paine's opposition, Robespierre ordered Paine's arrest and imprisonment, but he didn't dare send him to the guillotine yet. By then, all Europe had gone to war with France, and Robespierre held off executing Paine for fear of alienating France's only remaining military ally, the United States. So French police dragged Paine to prison but didn't kill him, and Paine wrote to the American ambassador for help.

The ambassador turned out to be Gouverneur Morris, the former member of Congress who had sworn to avenge Paine's exposure of his wartime profiteering. Morris not only left Paine's letters unanswered, he tried to get Paine killed on the guillotine. He told Robespierre that Paine had been born in England and was not an American.

Fortunately for Paine, Robespierre's enemies had grown numerous enough to have him arrested and sent to the guillotine, thus delaying Paine's execution indefinitely. In the weeks that followed, Paine used much of his time in prison writing a new book that raged at organized religion for supporting the cruelties of royalist rule around the world. Paine also wrote a letter to the friend he loved most, George Washington, by then President of the United States. When Washington failed to reply, Paine concluded that Washington had abandoned him.

Ten months after his imprisonment, a new American ambassador, James Monroe, arrived in Paris. When he learned of Paine's imprisonment, he badgered French officials to release Paine and the French let him go. It was then that Paine wrote the blistering letter to Washington, accusing Washington of treachery, reviling Washington as a cold-blooded traitor.

And those are Paine's words, a cold-blooded traitor. Washington, of course, had never received any of Paine's letters. Transatlantic mail service was not very predictable in those days. And the jailers probably seized most, if not all, of Paine's letters. Washington, meanwhile, assumed the reason he hadn't heard from Paine was that Paine was too busy steering the French Revolution to write letters.

Even Monroe didn't know of Paine's whereabouts when he arrived in Paris, and only learned accidentally a few weeks later. So Paine's angry letter to Washington, while understandable from his point of view, was actually unjustified. And because he sent copies to the newspapers for publication, it cost Paine much of his popularity when he later returned to America. Adding to public indignation was the book he had written in prison attacking every national church and religion. He called it Age of Reason, and it infuriated churchmen and the church-going public across America. Every national church and religion, he wrote, established itself by pretending some mission from God. Each accuses the others of disbelief.

I disbelieve them all. Paine didn't stop there. Every church, again these are Paine's words, every church claims its books reveal the word of God. But when anyone claims a revelation and repeats it to someone else, it is hearsay and ceases to be a revelation.

If it was not a revelation to me, I have only someone else's word that it existed, and I have no reason to believe it. Paine insisted that Adam, if ever there was such a man, had to have lived as a deist simply because he was the first man on earth before the founding of any religion. Well, only Thomas Jefferson and New York Governor Clinton, both of them deists like Paine, welcomed Paine's return to America. Other figures and much of the general public rejected him, and as he sat reading by himself in his farmhouse one evening north of New York, a would-be assassin lay in wait in the bushes and fired a bullet through Paine's living room window. Paine only barely missed death. When Paine finally did die, no one of consequence attended his funeral or noted his death, and later crazed Englishmen even prevented Paine from resting in peace. He sneaked onto Paine's farm one night, dug up Paine's bones, and destroyed all traces of Thomas Paine's body. Since then, many publishers of history books, especially high school and elementary school history books, have sought to make Thomas Paine a virtual non-person by omitting much of his written work from such books.

In doing so, of course, they hoped to avoid antagonizing public officials. But truth, like water, always seeks its own level, and that's why Thomas Paine's truths still inspire those who embrace the rights of humankind. More than the clarion call for American independence, Thomas Paine sounded the clarion call for abolition, for women's rights, for free public education, and for the rights of all men and women to govern themselves and live free. And what a story. The founder, the father in the end of our revolution, without common sense in the American crisis, George Washington noted again and again, the Revolutionary War could not have been fought, that's what common sense did, and then could not have been won, and that's what the American crisis did. The story of Thomas Paine, here on Our American Stories. The Unshakeable's podcast is kicking off season two with an episode you won't want to miss. Join host Ben Walter, CEO of Chase for Business, as he welcomes a very special guest, Chairman and CEO of JPMorgan Chase, Jamie Dimon. Hear about the challenges facing small businesses and some of the uh-oh moments Jamie has overcome.

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