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Next day on Hulu. This is Lee Habib, and this is our American Stories. Up next, another installment of our story of us—the story of America series—with Hillsdale College professor and author of the terrific book *Land of Hope*, Dr. Bill McLeay. On April 6, 1917, despite President Wilson promising otherwise, America would officially enter World War One.
Let's get into the story. Take it away, Bill. America had entered the war reluctantly, but Germany was not at all a reluctant player. In one month alone, German subs sank nearly one million tons of Allied shipping. One million tons.
Germany also caught a very lucky break when a second Russian revolution, led by Vladimir Lenin, precipitously dropped out of the war and made a peace with Germany. They were no longer fighting a two-front war. There were worries throughout Europe and some quarters in America too that our effort to rescue Europe was too little, too late. But there was also good news across the Atlantic. American warships were being built at breakneck speed and with real palpable impact.
By 1918, the 1 million tons of Allied merchant losses had been pared down to 300,000. Most remarkably, the massive transport of American troops to Europe happened without the loss of a single American serviceman. America's entry came with the usual energy and optimism our nation brings to any big endeavor. Little things we understand to be big things, like the song "Over There" by George Cohen, which rallied the troops and not just ours but Europe's. Here are the lyrics to Cohen's great chorus: "Over there, over there, send the word, send the word, over there." That the Yanks are coming, the Yanks are coming, the drums rum, coming everywhere.
So prepare, say a prayer, send the word, send the word to beware. We'll be over, we're coming over, and we won't come back till it's over, over there. The stakes were high and time was of the essence. The French Premier Georges Clemenceau was heard pleading to a journalist, "Tell your Americans to come quickly, come quickly." We did. But the real action didn't begin for almost another year.
The Germans launched a massive attack and a successful one, thanks to the transfer of soldiers from the Eastern Front. But within 50 miles of Paris, the Allied Expeditionary Forces launched a massive counterattack, driving Germans on their heels and backwards. With each new engagement with the Germans, America became more involved, and by late September, more than a million American soldiers drove west from the blood-stained Verdun and through the dreaded Argonne Forest. It was a month of the very worst, awful fighting, as Americans foot by foot and yard by yard crawled their way. Fought their way through the hilly, hardened terrain against Germans who'd spent years fortifying it, and all the while, French and British troops attacked from the west, driving German troops back to their own border.
On November first, American troops broke through, and the French Fourth Army was given the honor of recapturing Sedan—a huge moral and psychological win for the Allies.
Soon thereafter, the Germans surrendered, signing an armistice agreement on what is now Veterans Day, November 11. It was over; the war over there had ended. But what was not over were the losses, which were incomprehensible. Americans lost 117,000 lives to the war, 230,000 plus wounded. Of those 117,000 deaths, 53,000 were from combat; diseased ravaged the rest.
Our allies suffered even greater losses. The British death count was nearly one million. The French lost 1.4 million. The Russians 1.7 million. The Austro-Hungarian losses were 1.2 million, and Germans lost 1.8 million to the war.
And the total military and civilian casualty count was an astonishing 40 million. What would happen next in Europe? There had been a great victory, no doubt, but the war's end left Europe in great fear for its future. There was instability, confusion, deprivation, starvation. And the great loss of men, working-age men, who would be able to rebuild and reconstitute the nations.
The war also left four empires in complete collapse: Imperial Germany, Austria-Hungary, Tsarist Russia, and the Ottoman Empire. This would require a redrawing of the map of Europe and all that came with it. There was also a real and quite natural appetite for revenge. At the same time, rising from the east was a militant ideology that offered a radical alternative to the corruption of the European social order and traditions—a radical order and ideology the world had never quite seen before. Communism, Russian style.
Woodrow Wilson understood all of it. He understood the importance and seriousness of the moment, and had an alternative vision to the difficult task of a European post-war future. It was a vision that could ensure that this great Allied victory was not squandered, or so he thought. Wilson invested time and energy, coming up with a plan that could make the peace treaty a strong and lasting one. The plan was unveiled with expert help.
It was his 14-point plan. Wilson hoped to create a new international order. He unveiled his plan in a speech to Congress on January 8, 1918, as a blueprint for world peace that would be used for peace negotiations after the war. Here is part of the speech. The day of conquest and aggrandizement is gone by.
So is also the day of secret covenants entered into in the interest of particular governments, and likely at some unlooked-for moment to upset the peace of the world. We entered this war because violations of right had occurred, which touched us to the quick and made the life of our own people impossible, unless they were corrected and the world secure once for all against their recurrence. What we demand in this war, therefore, is nothing peculiar to ourselves. It is that the world be made fit and safe to live in. And particularly that it be made safe for every peace-loving nation, which, like our own, wishes to live its own life, determine its own institutions, be assured of justice and fair dealing by the other peoples of the world, as against force and selfish aggression.
The program of the world's peace, therefore, is our program, and that program—the only possible program, as we see it—is this. When we come back, more of the story of winning World War One and its aftermath here on Our American Stories. Ready to feel energized and in control again? At Orderly Meds, we have helped thousands just like you take charge of their health with a GLP-1. If you've tried dieting, exercising, and relying on willpower, and nothing seems to stick, then it might be time to talk to a licensed provider about your options.
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Nine one one. What's your emergency? Please help us. I'm everywhere. We think they're murder Hornets.
Nine One One Nashville returns. It's a homicide detective doing here. Three bodies on the grow, with emergencies of biblical proportions. I will send swarms upon you and upon your people. That's one of the places in the Bible.
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And we continue with our American stories and the story of World War One and its aftermath with Dr. Bill McLeay. Let's pick up where we last left off in the middle of Wilson's speech to Congress. Wilson then went on to march through his 14 points. Among them, the need for all diplomacy going forward to be open, that there be absolute freedom of the sea, that there would be few or no trade barriers, that armaments would be reduced greatly, and the map of Europe fundamentally and fairly redrawn, with an emphasis on the principle of self-determination for all nations.
The last was a strong anti-colonial notion. Deeply rooted in the concept of self-rule, but it was his last point, point fourteen, that was Wilson's grandest vision. It might be called his capstone point. A general association of nations must be formed under specific covenants for the purpose of affording mutual guarantees of political independence and territorial integrity to great and small states alike. In regard to these essential rectifications of wrong and assertions of right, we feel ourselves to be intimate partners of all the governments and peoples associated together against the imperialists.
We cannot be separated in interest or divided in purpose. We stand together until the end. These are not merely ambitious words, but words perhaps only an academic like Wilson could utter without any real restraint or humility. Our allies were not nearly as enthusiastic as Wilson had hoped. Indeed, Wilson believed that his sheer will and force of personality and belief could win the day, which is why he decided to head to Paris himself in person to lead the American peace delegation.
This, it turns out, would be the very first time an American president left the country while in office to travel to Europe.
Some critics believed he was in violation of the U.S. Constitution. A not particularly serious charge, but one that might have led more self-aware leaders to see that there were red flags, warning signs about this trip. In fact, Wilson was so caught up in the issues of the greater world that he was easily seen as neglecting the cares of his own house, his own country, his own job. He saw himself as somehow appointed.
Some would even say anointed to lead the world in this important endeavor. While he was away for nearly six months in 1919, the political situation in America was unraveling. Labor was angry about high inflation. Farmers were up in arms about continued price controls, and that's not counting the disastrous 1918 midterm election results, where Republicans took control of both houses of government. None of that moved Wilson to stay on the home front.
Even the loss of Congress to the Republicans, and worse, he ventured off to Europe without a single Republican in his delegation. Reality would soon introduce itself. The conference included delegates from all the countries that opposed Germany, but four big countries—Italy, France, England, and America—dominated the proceedings. Wilson soon discovered that the other three had opinions of their own, and he made very little headway. There was a big push to punish Germany, and little taste for Wilson's high-minded idealism and his 14 points, especially the first five.
But there was also a dispute between France, which wanted to disable Germany. And the Brits and Americans who didn't want to create conditions for a new war down the road. The final verdict of the conference was a heavy repayment plan for Germany, with Article 231, which is known as the War Guilt Clause, serving as the legal precedent for the plan. Here is part of what that final treaty demanded. The Allied and Associated Governments affirm, and Germany accepts, the responsibility of Germany and her allies for causing all the loss and damage to which the Allied and Associate Governments and their nationals have been subjected.
Nothing in the treaty was more despised by the Germans than this clause, putting the entire blame for the war and its outcome on them. This would infuriate Germans for years and decades to come. Wilson also settled for violations of his self-determination principle, which would have consequences down the road. But the fact is, Wilson was willing to sacrifice everything in his plan—thirteen points for his fourteenth point, the association of nations. That point, this idea of his, would lead to the creation of the League of Nations.
From the outset, it became evident Wilson had made a bad choice. When he rolled out his plan for the league structure in February of 1919, he met fierce resistance. The chairman of the all-powerful Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Henry Cabot Lodge, didn't just oppose the plan, but he gathered 39 Republican senators to sign a statement opposing it, and not merely opposing it, but demanding that the issue of the League be considered separately from the treaty. What was Wilson's response? He simply brushed aside their concerns and sought to simply crush his opposition.
He was setting up a major clash, convinced as always that he would prevail. Lodge would prove to be a tough opponent. He was sophisticated. He was worldly, and he was not a fan of the Wilsonian high-handedness and high-mindedness and preachy style. But Lodge also put American interests first in his political calculus, and thought Wilson's complete inattention to national interests in the settlement of the war to be not just naive but downright foolish.
Lodge feared that Article Ten of the League Covenant was a sacrifice of American independence. Months of fighting would follow. Various groups arose with real worries about the league.
Some were unwilling to join under any terms at all.
Some preferred some small changes.
Some wanted major changes. Lodge among them. The big stumbling block for them was the protection of American sovereignty. Wilson, his arrogance on full display, refused to yield, let alone negotiate. With any of these concerns, why was Wilson behaving in this way?
Was it a fundamental part of his character, or could it have been a sign of his advancing cardiovascular disease and strokes that had made him more inflexible? It's impossible to know for sure. Lodge was getting the best of Wilson on the political front in Washington D.C., so Wilson took his argument to the public, organizing a national speaking tour. Once again, Wilson failed. The tour had no impact on the Senate, and after giving a speech in Colorado, Wilson collapsed, suffering a stroke that left him partially paralyzed.
The stroke would keep him out of the public eye for over two months, and during that time, public opinion turned against the league and the treaty, and they were voted down. Doubling down on his losses, Wilson decided to make the 1920 election a vote on the League and on Wilson's term of office itself.
Soon, Wilson confronted the harshest reality of them all: the voice and vote of the American people. And Republican candidate Warren G. Harding won a resounding victory. A landslide with over sixty percent of the popular vote. It was the first time in America a president had crossed the sixty percent threshold, which said volumes about Wilson's unpopularity and his obliviousness.
Harding had been a big opponent of the League and promised Americans that his focus would be on them, on America, and not the rest of the world. To American essentials, as he put it, not heroics but healing, not nostrums but normalcy, not revolution, but restoration. It was clear who Harding was talking about. He would be taking a dramatic turn away from Wilson's policies and focus.
Something the voters overwhelmingly wanted. After eight years of Wilson and two decades of progressivism, Americans voted for a change—a big change. That change was about to come. And a special thanks to Professor Bill McLeay. By the way, he teaches at Hillsdale College, proud sponsors of this show.
And if you want to learn all the things that are good and beautiful in life. Go to Hillsdale.edu and sign up for their terrific and free online courses. The story of World War One and its aftermath on our American stories. Ready to feel more energized and in control of your health? If you've tried diet and exercise but still aren't seeing the results you're looking for, it may be time to explore a different approach.
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Individual results may vary. See website for details. Hello, everyone, and welcome to Rushing the Field. I'm Nicole Hourback, and I'm Joshua Perry. We're so excited to be here to chat about our favorite thing in the entire world: college football.
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