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The Story of America: The Frenchman Who Wrote About America Better Than Any American [Ep. 23]

Our American Stories / Lee Habeeb
The Truth Network Radio
June 15, 2026 3:03 am

The Story of America: The Frenchman Who Wrote About America Better Than Any American [Ep. 23]

Our American Stories / Lee Habeeb

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June 15, 2026 3:03 am

French observer Alexis de Tocqueville's nine-month visit to America in 1831 revealed both the virtues and flaws of American democracy, including the tyranny of the majority, the restlessness of the American people, and the importance of associations and local governance in shaping American life.

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Up next, another installment of our series About Us, the Story of America series with Hillsdale College professor and author of the terrific book Land of Hope. Bill McClay. Today Bill shares the story of a foreigner whose observations on our nation still seem current nearly 200 years later. His name Alexis de Tocqueville. Let's get into the story.

Take it away, Bill. Who was Alexis de Tocqueville? Let me back up. Alexis de Tocqueville was born In 1805, to a French aristocratic family. It was a family that had suffered greatly.

because of the French Revolution. Tokyo's father, who was a loyal civil servant, ended up being imprisoned. His mother, suffered from mental illness as a result of This his grandfather was murdered. He was very much affected. by the French Revolution.

He uh he grew up in the wake. of that cataclysmic event.

So a great question. Always for him was what what was to be learned. from this event? Was this something that represented an inevitable movement of history. Or was it a fluke?

Was the restoration of the monarchy which took place when he was a young man. was that a restoration of the normal order of things.

So he was living at a kind of cusp of history. And uh when which things seemed as if they could go one way or another way.

So that's Tocqueville. He came to America. In eighteen thirty, Ostensibly To study the prison system of the United States, which, believe it or not, was regarded as advanced by the world's standards at that point. But that was just a pretext. Really, what he wanted to do was to write a great book about.

This emerging phenomenon, this first great democracy, this first great republic, of which he said all the world talks and no one knows.

So he was going to write the book that would make the world understand what this great experiment. Man. and to look at its its virtues, its vices. and try to discern from that what Europe could learn. what France in particular could learn in its future and to guide the forces of democracy.

to a better harbor, to a more felicitous Conclusion than what had come out of the revolution, which was bloodshed, Napoleon. and and a restoration of the monarchy. after much warfare and disruption. He actually had political ambitions, also. I should not bear from mentioning that.

He thought. making this trip to America, writing a great book. would launch him. It really didn't have that effect. He wrote a great book, it didn't launch.

a great political career, as it turned out. And so far as America is concerned, Tocqueville wrote. The book called Democracy in America. The Democrati in America. Published in two volumes, 1835 and 1840.

And these two volumes are arguably make up together The greatest single work. about America ever written. I think if you were condemned to a desert island with only one book to read about America. uh for all the time left to you in life. I don't think you could do much uh better.

than democracy in America. Because it describes. Certain fundamental properties of American society that have persisted. And it describes in very powerful ways. The virtues and the pathologies of democracy, that is, of the regime based on the principle of human equality.

Making no. distinctions of rank, of nobility, and uh the other marks of aristocracy. but treating all human beings as fundamentally legally, civically equal. Yeah. It was still a new idea.

America from the start. From the very beginning we were republic. and conceived of ourselves as a republic. Tocqueville wanted to see First hand, how does that work? What does that look like?

And he's only 26 years old. But he's got to have been the most perceptive 26-year-old. He was to sociology and political science what Mozart was to music. He got it very early and he got it right.

So Tocqueville came to America. And he says this very clearly. He came there to see What? the future held. he came to feel that democracy That is a regime that stress the equality of all people.

was the way for the future. Like it or not, America was the avant-garde. It was in the vanguard. Of change that he expected and believed was coming everywhere. He says, I confess that in America I saw more than America.

I sought the image of democracy itself. with its inclinations, its character, its prejudices, and its passions. in order to learn what we have to fear or to hope. from its progress. That, I think, is a very clear statement of what he intended to do.

He really wasn't trying to write the best book on America. He just did that as a matter of course in the process of writing the best book on democracy. and he spends nine months in the country, writes up copious notes, Now, as the quote I just read to you implies, Tocqueville did not think it was all roses and sugar plums in America. He was not advocating for democracy. He was saying democracy.

It's what is coming. Democracy has its virtues, it has its faults. We need to understand both. We need to understand virtues. We need to see the faults.

We need to acknowledge the faults. And that these faults may be inherent to the nature of democracy. And the best we can do. is find a way to live with them. When we come back more.

of the story of Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America. after these messages. Uh This is Lee Habib and this is Our American Stories. And all of our history stories are brought to us by our generous sponsors, including Hillsdale College, where students go to learn all the things that are beautiful in life and all the things that matter in life. If you can't get to Hillsdale, Hillsdale will come to you with their free and terrific online courses.

Go to hillsdale.edu. That's hillsdale.edu. Liberty has never been just a word to we Americans. It has guided every one of our endeavors for the past 250 years. And now it takes form in a new way.

The 2026 Semi-Quincentennial Coin and Metal Program from the United States Mint. It celebrates the founding ideals that have long shaped our coinage. Available one year only, this historic collection features new coin designs, limited edition releases, and reissues. Shop new official coins at usmint.gov forward slash semi-q. That's usmint.gov/slash S-E-M-I-Q.

This July 4th, come celebrate at America's Block Party, hosted by America 250. America's Block Party is a can't-miss 4th of July concert happening at the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum. Experience music performances from major artists, patriotic tributes, and the kickoff to Giving Forth, helping to make July 4th the largest day of giving in American history. It's more than just fireworks. Learn more about this landmark celebration at America250.org.

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Terms apply. And we return to our American stories. And with our Story of America series, let's pick up where we last left off. He captured great things about the nation, he also captured flaws. He's not an American booster, not an American cheerleader, but an observer, an astute observer.

He didn't want to become an American. There was a lot about Americans that was distasteful to them.

Okay, remember he's an aristocrat. Yeah. Actually, many foreign observers of that time talked about Americans, the way Americans. Mm-hmm That they ate massive amounts of food without much attention to the quality of the food. A Frenchman would not do this.

So He was not a A uh all together admiring figure. And yet he did admire Many things, and we'll get to those in a moment. But I want to talk about the flaws that he saw first. One example is the policy of Indian removal that's going on at this very time. Tocqueville witnessed it firsthand.

He stumbled upon a group of Choctaw Indians crossing the Mississippi River. near Memphis. And here's what he said. Um It is impossible to conceive the extent of the sufferings which attend these forced immigrations. They're undertaken by a people already exhausted and reduced, and the countries to which the newcomers betake themselves.

are inhabited by other tribes. which received them with jealous hostility. Hunger is in the rear. War awaits them. and misery besets them on all sides.

In the hope of escaping from such a host of enemies, they separate, and each individual endeavors to procure the means of supporting his existence. In solitude and secrecy, living in the immensity of the desert. Like an outcast. civil society. The social tie, which distress had long since weakened, is then dissolved.

They've lost their country. And their people soon deserts them. Their very families are obliterated. The names they bore in common are forgotten. Their language perishes, and all the traces of their origin.

disappear. And he ended his writing on this subject. With Another feature, Tocqueville was a man who possessed of enormous compassion and insight. but also an ability to make very hard and difficult judgments. And so he ends with this.

These are great evils. and it must be added that they appear to me to be irremediable. I believe that the Indian nations of North America are doomed to perish. And that, whenever the Europeans shall be established on the shores of the Pacific Ocean, That race of men will be no more. The Indians had only the two alternatives of war or civilization.

In other words, they must either have destroyed the Europeans or become their equals. That, of course, is not the only flaw, circa 1831, that Tocqueville saw. He had some contact with the institution of slavery. A few words about that. The Indians will perish in the same isolated condition in which they have lived.

But the destiny of the Negroes is in some measure interwoven. with that of the Europeans. The two races are attached to each other. without intermingling. and they are alike unable entirely to separate or to combine.

The most formidable of all the ills which threatened the future existence of the Union. arises from the presence of a black population upon its territory. And in contemplating the cause of the present embarrassments or of the future dangers of the United States. The observer is invariably led to consider this as a primary fact. The permanent evils to which mankind is subjected are usually produced by the vehement or increasing efforts of men.

But there are there is one calamity which penetrated furtively into the world. and which was at first scarcely distinguishable amidst the ordinary abuses of power. It originated with an individual whose name, history, has not preserved. It was wafted like some accursed germ. upon a portion of this soil.

but it afterwards nurtured itself, grew without effort, and spread naturally with the society to which it belongs. I need scarcely add. at this calamity. is Tokvo was very acute. in identifying another aspect of our national character, and that is a certain restlessness.

A restlessness in the midst of our prosperity. Let me give you a portion of that. In certain remote corners of the old world, you may still sometimes stumble on a small district. It seems to have been forgotten amid the general tumult. and to have remained stationary while everything around it was in motion.

The inhabitants for the most part are extremely ignorant and poor. They take no part in the business of the country and are frequently oppressed by the government. Yet their countenances are generally placid. and their spirits are light. In America, by contrast, I saw the freest and most enlightened men placed in the happiest circumstances that the world affords, It seemed to me as if a cloud habitually hung upon their brow, And I thought them serious and almost sad.

even in their pleasures. The chief reason for this contrast is that the former do not think of the ills they endure, while the latter are forever brooding over advantages they do not possess. It is strange to see with what feverish ardour the Americans pursue their own welfare. and to watch the vague dread that constantly torments them lest they should not have chosen the shortest path. which may lead to it.

In the United States, a man builds a house in which to spend his old age. and he sells it before the roof is on. He plants a garden. And that's it, just as the trees are coming into paring. He brings a field into tillage.

and leaves other men to gather the crops. He embraces the profession and gives it up. He settles in a place. Which he soon afterwards leaves to carry his changeable longings elsewhere. If his private affairs leave him any leisure, he instantly plunges into the vortex of politics.

And if at the end of a year of unremitting labor he finds he has a few days' vacation. His eager curiosity whirls him over the vast extent of the United States, and he will travel 1,500 miles in a few days to shake off its happiness. At first sight there is something surprising in this strange unrest of so many happy men restless in the midst of abundance. The spectacle itself, however, is as old as the world. The novelty is to see a whole people.

furnish an exemplification of it. And Completing the list of The foibles deficiencies of democracy. That Tocqueville identified is one that I think was identified already by some of the founders. You see it. in the Federalist Papers discuss.

And that is the concept of the tyranny of the majority. that actually America for all of its seeming liberty It was not an empire of reason, was not a place in which people felt free to disagree. Thought is an invisible an almost intangible power that makes sport of all tyranny. In our day, the most absolute sovereigns of Europe cannot prevent certain thoughts hostile to their authority. It is not the same in America.

As long as the majority is doubtful, one speaks. But when it has irrevocably pronounced Everyone becomes silent. Friends and enemies alike. then seemed to hitch themselves together to its way. The reason for this is simple.

There is no monarch so absolute that he can gather in his hands all the strength of society and defeat resistance. as can a majority vested with the sprite to make the laws. And execute. In America, the majority draws a formidable circle around thought. Inside those limits the writer is free.

But unhappiness awaits him if he dares to leave them. When we come back, more here. on our American stories. Liberty has never been just a word to we Americans. It has guided every one of our endeavors for the past 250 years.

And now it takes form in a new way. The 2026 Semi-Quincentennial Coin and Metal Program from the United States Mint. It celebrates the founding ideals that have long shaped our coinage. Available one year only, this historic collection features new coin designs, limited edition releases, and reissues. Shop new official coins at usmint.gov forward slash semi-q.

That's usmint.gov/slash S-E-M-I-Q. This July 4th, come celebrate at America's Block Party, hosted by America 250. America's Block Party is a can't-miss 4th of July concert happening at the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum. Experience music performances from major artists, patriotic tributes, and the kickoff to Giving Forth, helping to make July 4th the largest day of giving in American history. It's more than just fireworks.

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As the Kohler Cast Iron Ambassador, I say, Long live Cast Iron. And we return to our American stories and with this Story of America series. When we last left off, Professor Bill McClay told us the story of the negative aspects of America that French observer Alexis de Tocqueville saw while here: the Trail of Tears, Slavery. our restlessness and the tyranny of the majority. Let's return to the story of Alexis to Tocqueville.

It's time now. for what he saw that was positive. These are some of the flaws that Tocqueville saw in American democracy. And yet he proposes ways that American democracy can and already is. caravailing against them.

Maybe one of the most redeeming features. of American Life. is the way that we organize ourselves. Political associations. He marveled.

At the ability of Americans To form organizations themselves politically to spontaneously. Come together without necessarily the direction of government or any coercive authority to accomplish. Good works for the public interest. Here's how he talks about it. The political associations that exist in the United States form only a detail in the midst of the immense picture that the sum of associations presents there.

Americans of all ages, all conditions, all minds constantly unite. Not only do they have commercial and industrial associations in which all take part, but they also have a thousand other kinds, religious, moral, grave, feudal, very general, and very particular, immense. and very small. Americans use associations to give fetes. They found seminaries.

to build inns, to raise churches. to distribute books. to send missionaries to the Antipodes. In this manner, they create hospitals, prisons, Fools. Finally, if it's a question of bringing to light a truth or developing a sentiment with the support of a great example, They associate.

Everywhere, that at the head of a new undertaking, you see the government in France and a great lord in England. countermint that you will see an association. in the United States. Um This is still a characteristic of American life today. Here's Toqueville a few more comments about associations.

I encountered all sorts of associations in America which I had no idea. And I often admired the infinite art with which the inhabitants of the United States managed to fix a common goal to the efforts of many men and get them to advance it. freely. Thus, the most democratic country on earth is found to be, above all, the one where men in our day have most perfected. The art of pursuing the object of their common desires in common.

Does this result from an accident or could it be that there's in fact a necessary relation between associations. and equality. Aristocratic societies always include within them, in the midst of a multitude of individuals who can do nothing by themselves. a few very powerful and wealthy citizens. Each of these can execute great undertakings.

I can sell. In aristocratic societies, men have no need to unite to act as they are kept very much together. In democratic peoples, on the other hand, All citizens are independent and weak. They can do almost nothing by themselves. They therefore all fall into impotence if they do not learn to aid each other freely.

A government could take the place of some of the greatest American associations. But what political power would ever be in a state sufficient for the innumerable multitude of small undertakings that American citizens execute every day with the aid of an association? The morality and intelligence of a democratic people would risk no fewer dangers than its business and its industry. if the government came to take the place of associations. everywhere.

He had a vision that as Government took over and commandeered The role that had formerly been delegated to associations. Associations would weaken their hold, they would weaken their force, they would weaken their capacity. To bring about civic unity, civic consciousness, civic cohesion. Civic capital. Tocqueville was a great admirer of the American Constitution.

and particularly its Federalism. Its division of powers between the elements of the national government and the elements of the state governments. And unities even below the level of the state government, counties, municipalities. And the way that this dispersal of power among the states affects American life itself. Here's what he has to say about that.

In great centralized nations, the legislature is obliged to impart a character of uniformity to the laws, which does not always suit the diversity of customs and of districts. as he takes no consequence of special cases, He can only proceed upon general principles. which is the cause of endless trouble and misery. This disadvantage does not exist. in confederations.

Congress regulates the principal measures of the national government, and all the details of administration are observed to the provincial legislatures, by which he means the states. It's impossible to imagine how much this division of sovereignty contributes to the well-being of each of the states. in these small communities. All public authority and private energy is employed in internal amelioration. They concentrate on their own business.

The central government of each state, which is in immediate juxtaposition to the citizens, is daily a prize of the wants which arise in society. And new projects are proposed every year, which are discussed either at town meetings or by the legislatures of the state, and which are transmitted by the press. This stimulate the zeal and excite the interest of the citizens. This spirit of amelioration. is constantly alive in the American republics.

without compromising their tranquility. The ambition of power yields to the less refined and less dangerous love. of comfort. It is not unusual to attribute a large share of the misfortunes which have befallen the new states of South America. to the injudicious erection of great republics.

Instead of a divided and Confederate sovereignty. Interesting observation about Latin America just in passing. It is incontestably true that the love and the habits of Republican government in the United States were engendered in the townships and the provincial assemblies. In a small state like that of Connecticut, for instance, Or cutting a canal or laying down a road is a momentous political question. Where the state has no army to pay and no wars to carry on, and where much wealth and much honor cannot be bestowed on the chief citizens.

No form of government can be more natural or more appropriate. than that of a republic. But it is the same Republican spirit. It is these manners and customs of a free people. which are engendered and nurtured in the different states to be afterwards applied to the country at large.

The public spirit of the union is, so to speak, nothing more than an abstract. of the patriotic zeal of the provinces. Every citizen of the United States transfuses his attachment to his little republic. in the common store of American patriotism. In defending the Union, He defends the increasing prosperity of his own district.

That's a magnificent and fascinating comment. on the nature of American patriotism and American patriotism. Is not only based on an appeal to the ideals of the nation. but to the ideals of a nation that happens to be. a nation that delegates as much as possible to local entities.

the sovereign rights of government. That's a part of the reason to feel patriotic of America. He leaves you alone. Yeah. And what a final thought there.

When we come back, we'll continue with Professor Bill McClay's story. of Alexis de Tocqueville's trip to America. Here. on our American stories. Liberty has never been just a word to we Americans.

It has guided every one of our endeavors for the past 250 years. And now it takes form in a new way. The 2026 Semi-Quincentennial Coin and Metal Program from the United States Mint. It celebrates the founding ideals that have long shaped our coinage. Available one year only, this historic collection features new coin designs, limited edition releases, and reissues.

Shop new official coins at usmint.gov forward slash semi-q. That's usmint.gov/slash S-E-M-I-Q. This July 4th, come celebrate at America's Block Party, hosted by America 250. America's Block Party is a can't-miss 4th of July concert happening at the Los Angeles Memorial Coliseum. Experience music performances from major artists, patriotic tributes, and the kickoff to Giving Forth, helping to make July 4th the largest day of giving in American history.

It's more than just fireworks. Learn more about this landmark celebration at America250.org. Are you really buying a car online on AutoTrader right now? Really? I can get super specific with dealer listings and see cars based on my budget.

You can really have it delivered. Or pick it up. I think your kid is walking up the slide. Really? AutoTrader, buy your car online.

Really? When you own your own business, you own every decision. Catch the red eye or take the 6am. Make a new hire or promote internally. Celebrate a win with a toast at the gate or unwind at the lounge.

Big props to this team.

Some decisions are a win-win, like earning 8x points on Chase Travel, Chase Sapphire Reserve for Business, the business card that gives back all you put in. Visit chase.com/slash reserve business to learn more. Cards issued by J.P. Morgan Chase Bank and a member of FPIC subject to credit approval terms apply. When Kohler, the global design leader in luxurious kitchen and bath products, came to me and said, Martha, we need an ambassador for our timeless, elegant, durable cast iron products.

I said, I'm in.

Now let me see the factory. Weeks later I was suited up in coveralls and work boots, walking through their Kohler, Wisconsin cast iron foundry. I stood next to the molten iron furnace. saw the hand applying enamel. and touched the gorgeous finished products waiting to be sent out into the world.

Since 1883, Kohler cast iron products have been forged and finished by the incredible craftspeople right in Kohler, Wisconsin. I'll tell you, I gained a new found respect and appreciation for Kohler's cast iron craftsmanship.

So now I am lending my discerning staff of approval to my most beloved Kohler cast iron products. for their durability. beauty and timelessness. Shop my Kohler cast iron favorites curated on kohler.com. bring the warmth, character, and enduring style of these timeless products into your kitchens and bathrooms.

As the Kohler Cast Iron Ambassador, I say, Long live Cast Iron. Blah blah blah. And we return to our American stories and the final portion of our story about Alexis de Tocqueville as a part of our Story of America series with Hillsdale College professor and author of the terrific book Land of Hope, Professor Bill McClay. When we last left off, Bill was telling us about the great things that Tocqueville saw in our country. Let's return to the story here again.

is Bill McClay. Um Now, we've heard how Tocqueville wrote about American restlessness. He was concerned about this flaw in our character, this tendency to dissipate our energies. One of the great counterbalances to this recklessness, in his view, was religion. Religion was essential.

Without it, There might not be any way to still the centrifugal forces of materialism. and individualism that would otherwise sweep through the country. Here's what he says. In the United States, on the seventh day of every week, the trading and working life of the nation. seems to spend it.

All noises ceased. A deep tranquility. Say rather the solemn calm of meditation. exceeds the turmoil of the weak, and the soul resumes possession and contemplation. itself.

Upon this day, the marts of traffic are deserted. Every member of the community, accompanied by his children, goes The church. where he listens in in strange language. what would seem to be unsuited to his ear. He's told of the countless evils caused by pride.

and covetousness. He's reminded of the necessity of checking his desires. of the finer pleasures which belong to virtue alone, and of the true happiness which attends it. On the return home, he does not turn to the ledgers of his calling. And he opens the book of Holy Scripture.

There he meets with sublime or affecting descriptions of the greatness and goodness of the Creator, of the infinite magnificence of the handiwork of God, of the lofty destinies of man, of his duties, and of his immortal privileges. Thus, it is that the American at times steals an hour from himself. and laying aside for a while the petty passions which agitate his life. and the ephemeral interest which engross it. He strays at once into an ideal world.

For all is great. Eternal. and pure. Give democratic nations education and freedom. and leave them alone.

They will soon learn to draw from this world all the benefits. which it can afford. They'll improve each of the useful arts. and will day by day render life more comfortable, more convenient. and more easy.

Their social condition naturally urges them in this direction. I do not fear that they will slacken their course, but while man takes delight in this honest and lawful pursuit of his well-being. it is to be apprehended that he may in the end lose the use of his sublimest faculties, And that whilst he's busy in improving all around him, he may at length degrade himself. Here and here only does the peril lie. It should therefore be the unceasing object of the legislators of democracies and of all the virtuous and enlightened men to raise the soul of their fellow citizens and keep them lifted up towards heaven.

Tocqueville was very concerned about materialism. Materialism not only in the sense of the desire to acquire things. That sense of materialism. But also, A view of human life, the the human soul. Moral values are all reducible to mere material.

that is a loss of a sense of the spiritual dimension. of life that this in turn might undermine the very possibility of democracy. And of course religion's a barrier to materialism. Materialism is, amongst all nations, a dangerous disease of the human mind. but it is more especially to be dreaded among a democratic people.

Because it readily amalgamates with that vice which is most familiar to the heart under such circumstances. Democracy encourages a taste. for physical gratification. This taste, if it becomes excessive, soon disposes men to believe that all is matter only. And materialism in turn hurries them back.

with mad impatience to these same delights. Such is the fatal circle within which democratic nations are driven round. It were well that they should see the danger and hold back. Most religions are only general, simple, and practical means of teaching men the doctrine of the immortality of the soul. That's the greatest benefit which a democratic people derives from its belief, and hence belief is more necessary to such a people than to all others.

When, therefore, any religion has struck its roots deep into a democracy, Beware. Lest you disturb. Rather, watch it carefully. It's the most precious bequest of aristocratic ages. Seek not to supersede the old religious opinions of men by new ones.

Lest in the passage from one faith to another, the soul, being left for a while stripped of all belief, The love of physical gratifications should grow upon it. and fill it wholly. Another aspect of American religion of which Tocqueville heartily approved. Was the voluntaristic nature of American religion? That we did not have an established.

Church. in America. A national church to which all Americans were bound to bend the knee or accept.

Something like second class. Citizenship. State religion, established religion. This was a danger to religion itself, Tocqueville believed. And here's what he says.

As to state religions I've always held That if they be sometimes of momentary service to the interests of political power, they always sooner or later become fatal to the church. above all else, about Tocqueville that readers and listeners should take away.

Okay. Know that he valued liberty, above almost everything else, He was very much opposed to doctrines like Marxism and other forms of determinism that were rising and were popular in the circle of the educated. It leads of European society and American society increasingly too in his time. And he spoke against them at the very end, the very end of the book. He has a passage that I want to read to you in closing.

I am not unaware that several of my contemporaries have thought that peoples are never masters of themselves, here below. that they necessarily obey I do not know which insurmountable and unintelligent force. Born of previous events, The raise The soil, or the climate. Those are false and cowardly doctrines. that can never produce any but weak men.

and pusilanimous nations. Providence has not created the human race either entirely independent. or perfectly slave. It traces, it is true, a fatal circle around each man. that he cannot leave.

But within its vast limits, Man is powerful and free.

So too. with people. Nations of our day cannot have it. conditions within them. are not equal.

But it depends on them whether equality leads them to servitude or freedom. to enlightenment or barbarism. Your prosperity. or misery. And well, let me what let me just sort of try to unpack what he's saying here.

In the first place, he's saying there's no such thing as absolute freedom. to operate without any regard. your circumstances. that there are these great movements of history. And the movement towards equality is one of them.

We can't roll back the sands of time. We have to accept the conditions in which we find ourselves. But within those conditions, There is still a lot of freedom. and the fatal circle that's drawn around us, is A circle that has a certain amplitude to it. Within that circle.

We can make a difference in whether. the forms that democratic life takes on. are forms that ennoble the human person or degrade him. What will uplift us? What will make us better?

He saw coming what he saw coming, and he reported the truth as he saw it. at the same time. he sought to implore upon his readers That knowledge is power. Knowledge is power. is the an ability to shape the future to the extent it's given to us to shape anything.

to our best advantage.

So there you have it. That's the nature of free will as Tocqueville understood it. And he wanted to learn from the Americans. For the sake of the Europeans, we, the Americans, can now learn from him. And a terrific job on the production, editing, and storytelling by our own Monty Montgomery.

A special thanks to Professor Bill McClay. He teaches at Hillsdale College. His book, Land of Hope, is available on Amazon or anywhere else you buy books. The story of America. The story of Alexis de Tocqueville's visit to America, his nine-month visit, here on Our American Stories.

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