The War Against the Shadow Government with John McEntee

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That's noblegoldinvestments.com, the only gold company I trust. Hey, everybody. It's time for The Charlie Kirk Show. Johnny McIntee joins us, who's a legend from the Trump administration. He also has an app that I am not on, Date Right Stuff. So if you are looking for a match, you should download the app, Date Right Stuff.

Johnny McIntee is professionally good-looking and really ran a lot of stuff for Trump. It's great. So check it out.

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Enjoy. The prevailing orthodoxy of colleges is that if something bad happens to you, you need a support group and you need to protest. Your argument in the book is if something bad happens to you, it actually could be a good thing. It's a blessing. You will never, you know, I don't like pithy little nonsense statements and stuff like that, but someone said to me a long time ago, like some philosopher and there's some guy, you know, if you if you if you were happy all the time, you wouldn't understand what happiness is like. It would just be this kind of regular way. You wouldn't get the joy out of contrast.

You need contrast. So this morning I put a picture of my local's account of me. You know, I know I have this speech today and I got a dinner tonight with a local politician about some stuff that, you know, it's Sunday. Like I should have this day off, but I'm here with you. And so this morning I said to Paula, like, it's 95 degrees in Florida. I said, let's go downstairs, do a full body workout. By the way, my garage with no AC.

So it's about 80 in the garage. And then I said, I'm going to jump in 190 degrees sauna afterwards for about 10 minutes before the speech. And so I put a picture up on locals and I'm like, you want to see what pain looks like?

I said, if you don't go through this suffering and this suck all the time, you're never going to learn to adore the moments of joy and success. You have to just trigger bullshit stuff. It's just crazy. Listen to that and more. My conversation with Tucker and Bannon and Megyn Kelly, become a member. Members.CharlieKirk.com. Buckle up, everybody.

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Joining us now. He's professionally good looking. He was Trump's right hand man, runs a dating site and is at war with the shadow government.

It's Johnny McIntee. Thanks for having me. And a very talented quarterback. I don't know about that part. Trick shots. That's that's that's why I'm aware of your trick shot. Right.

Winter Blizzard stores, Connecticut. In college, we had, you know, a lot of free time on a snowy day in February. And we decided to make a trick shot video that went viral. That was like the original trick shot. That was these other guys. Yeah.

I think that was pre dude. Perfect. I think it was like some pretty impressive ones on there. Yeah.

It was fun. Yeah. How many takes did it take to do that?

It took us all day, but we did it in one day. OK. Yeah. Yeah. I think that last shot across the arena was at like one in the morning.

Really? I think it was like a full shooting. It's the most successful the UConn football program has ever been. That's our claim to fame is Johnny to Johnny McIntee. It's like 17, 18 million views, right? It's big. Yeah.

I think it was like eight million. So Johnny's amazing. Johnny was one of the good guys in the Trump administration. You guys can Google him.

You'll see all these attacks on the left. Hilarious. But Johnny, is it fair to say you were Trump's right hand guy, his shadow? It's fair to say, yeah, I was with him a lot. I was his aide and I traveled with him full time the first year of the administration and the last year of the administration.

And in twenty six. And you ran all personnel. And then the last year of the administration, I also ran the personnel office. Yeah. So Johnny had a great reputation of all the good people. The bad people didn't like you very much.

The bad people did not like me very much. That's that's true. Yeah. We were trying to you know, the first years of the Trump years, you rely on the establishment. You rely on you know, you don't know. People are just telling you, oh, this person's good. That person's good.

You got to take them at their word as the years progress, you start to learn who's actually getting the job done and who's not. So, yeah, there's so much I want to talk to you about. Yeah.

And so we had James Bacon on yesterday about this. So you come into government. Did you have an assumption that you could the president would say something and that thing would actually get done?

Right. Going in, I was incredibly naive. I thought the president would sit at the Oval Office, at the desk in the Oval Office, the Resolute Desk at the Resolute Desk. I thought he would say, OK, today I would like to withdraw from NATO.

And then I thought everyone would just be worker bees and go withdraw from NATO. Not how it works, unfortunately. There's a large bureaucracy that runs the government. The president is the head of it. Technically, he's in charge of the executive branch.

But because the bureaucracy has gotten so big, things don't move quite like that. OK, so let's go through some examples. Give one example that stands out where the president wanted to do something.

You wanted to do something, but that thing did not get done or was slow walked or it just got changed. Well, you could talk about one that repeatedly happened, which actually Biden ended up doing, although, as Bill Maher said, he didn't quite stick the landing, which was withdrawing from Afghanistan. The president wanted to do that. He said it over and over again.

He tweeted about it every few months. He gave straight directives and somehow it never happened. Wait, so he gave straight directives to exit Afghanistan. Then what would happen? You know, the National Security Council comes in, whoever from the Pentagon comes in, they all talk it out. They say, no, we're going to come up with a strategy.

We can't just. You know, and in hindsight, looking at the Biden withdrawal, that was a fiasco, of course, Trump would have done it a lot differently, but it was still the right move. And yeah, you just see things like that. And over the years, it's like, is anything ever going to get done? Obviously, he still was able to accomplish a lot.

But in a second term, knowing what we know now, I think he'd be able to accomplish three times, four times, five times as much without a doubt. And so, yeah, there is this perception presidents in charge, you know, orders are followed. And I just want to make sure everyone understands when I mean that he was his right hand guy, it was like Trump and Johnny Trump. I think you're in more background shots of anybody in the history of the Trump presidency. I think my family enjoyed that. They look for me on TV, try to like, where's Waldo?

I would be watching the live feed on Fox. I'd say, hey, there's Johnny. There's Johnny. And I want to get into just kind of some of the more fun details about Trump and how he is and all that. But let's just kind of focus on this here. So at what point did you realize, oh, my gosh, personnel is policy where there is this mass Leviathan and Trump is like a temporary occupant who's actually been held hostage by people that hate him? I think within the first few months in the White House in 2017, it was pretty obvious. Before that, I don't think any conservative knew what the personnel office was. I think now it's become mainstream PPO and just how much authority and power it has and how you need to have someone good in charge of that. I think the next administration should have on yesterday's get who you had on yesterday should have him in charge of James Bacon.

He's a total stud. Somebody that's, you know, super conservative, super aligned, but competent. A lot of times the Trump people will be like, you need to hire this person. But, you know, they weren't exactly competent.

They were a little crazy. You need people that are totally aligned but can also get the job done. So what do you what do you mean by that? Not just ideologically aligned, but also competent and not like purchased by foreign governments.

Right. And also, there's also this myth about people that can talk a big game and say all the right things, which does serve a purpose. Maybe they're a conservative pundit. I think that's fair to like, say, Scaramucci was probably. Sure, I like Scaramucci personally. But yeah, somebody.

Eleven days of chaos. Right. But, you know, there's people that are good messengers, but they're not good executors. And I think finding the people that can actually get the work done more than go on Fox and say the good talking point is probably most helpful. So zeroing in on the Afghanistan thing. Is it true that Trump would give the order and then there would be a preplanned meeting of like Tillerson, Pence and they were waiting for Trump in a room and they had they had wargamed the conversation.

Is that true? I think some of the staff, you know, the agency heads would meet separately and kind of talk. It was obvious that they were doing that.

I don't know who exactly, but that was definitely happening. They're thinking through scenarios of, OK, if he says this, well, why can't we just do that? Here's our response. I hope everyone understands that this is the duly elected president of the United States who's in charge of the executive branch. Right. And you have Cabinet officials that rehearse kind of like dialectics of how to get the president to agree with what they want.

Sure. And that wasn't the case with all of them. Some were good, but I think next time it's really important to get that right early. And during that transition period, you have a short amount of time picking those people that are totally aligned and competent to run these agencies.

It's going to save you a lot of trouble on the back end. And so there were some really good people in the White House. And I mean, Lighthizer did his best right there.

You know, Navarro did his best. And, you know, there was kind of this constant theme of like, let's just talk about one issue that Trump's going to have to overcome, which is leaking. I mean, that was so widespread leaking of phone calls.

And what's behind that? We don't get many leaks out of the Biden White House at all. Yeah, I think that has a lot to do with the media as well and a lot to do with the inaction. You know, the Biden White House, there's probably not a whole lot going on as there was in the Trump White House because the machine, the bureaucracy is left wing.

It's already moving. They don't really have to do a lot to get their agenda through or at least to keep it on pace. Ours, you have people infighting, which is natural. You know, you have different ideas even within the conservative world on certain things. And then you have the media that wants to play it up. You know, so if somebody in the Biden White House wanted to leak on someone, you know, they're not going to pick it up.

They're not going to make it into a big thing. Whereas in the Trump White House, of course, they would. They'd run with it for days and, you know, try to create this scenario where there's just chaos and no one knows what they're doing. And sometimes it was successful to portray that, although it might not have been the case. In the rank and file of people that were appointed, not the permanent White House bureaucracy, we'll get to that, the 1000 people.

Let's just say the people that were appointed right in PPO or in OPL. Right. Or OPM. Yeah. Well, yeah. Yeah.

Office of Personnel Management. Well, they just. Yeah, that's just one agency. But yes, out of the 4000 people. Let's just say the people that came and left, meaning they they are no longer there under Biden, not the people that, you know. Yeah. The political appointees under landscapers. Right. But those are important. Those people have power more than people realize. How many actually ideologically agreed at Donald Trump on his world view?

Actually, more than you would think. That wasn't the problem. The problem was that. They're NPCs, you know, not non-player. They're non-player characters. They're just kind of going through the motions. They might be totally aligned. They might say the right thing.

They might actually believe the right thing. However, when they go in to do the job, the bureaucracy takes over and they can't get anything done. There were a lot of bad actors. Those have been well documented out of the 4000 people. Three thousand nine hundred were ideologically aligned, but most were just going through the motions.

I want to talk about how do we fix this and then also some other stories from John McEntee's time in the White House. And he's running a dating app. What's it called? The right stuff. It's called the right stuff. It's free in the app store if you want to download. All right.

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25 percent today before the sale is over. Go to preparewithkirk.com. That is preparewithkirk.com. So I want to talk about how we fix it, but I think it'd be interesting. I mean, how many you were you were everything from like the attache to the liaison to the body man of Trump. Right.

Correct. Just talk about him as a person. You probably had more time with him in close proximity than almost anybody else while he was president. Is that is that fair to say?

I think that's fair to say. And he was an amazing boss. He's what you'd expect. He's very fun.

He's very funny. But he's also gracious. And you see how he treats the staff, you know, the higher up people, you know, he's giving them orders. You know, they might go at it, whatever. But like the way he treats the junior staff or the people working at the White House actually is amazing. They would all tell you that. I'm sure they all want him back.

I'm sure the guy who does the landscaping or the, you know, the chef at the White House, I'm sure they all want him back because he's he's such a good person to work for. But talk about like the average day, the pace. I mean, being around when I'm around him, I'm like, I can only take like five or six hours before I'm like, I need a break. I mean, he's so intense.

It's like high octane. I mean, what what would days for you look like, let alone his schedule? You know, every night me and his executive assistant would be hoping that he would call it a day just so we could go home. And what time would this be? This would be late. This be well into the night. Eight o'clock, nine o'clock at night.

If there wasn't an event or rally, he's going to. So he starts early. He's an early riser.

What time? Works from at least when we were in the White House, works from his residence. Six a.m., seven a.m., making calls. So a lot of times people be like, you know, I'm at the gym.

Like they're trying to talk to the president because he's saying, here's what I want to do today. So he's starting early. He would get to the office a normal hour, 910, be there all day and then usually travel to an event that night.

So it was a lot. And I don't know how he does it. I also saw that on the campaign trail. And like Bannon, those guys could tell you we don't need a nap. We'd go like find a little room to sleep in. And he'd be up, you know, reading or writing or checking a speech or, you know, watching the news, learning, you know, just stops.

Just talk about the pace, though. I mean, what I mean, what is working look like for him? It's if there's a problem, he wants to address it from what I've seen. Get him on the phone. It's like high intensity. Bring him in. Right.

Yeah, it never stops. I mean, actually, we mentioned Lighthizer. It was really funny. We were on Air Force One and, you know, they came back to get Lighthizer. The president wants to speak to you. By the time Lighthizer got to the front of the cabin, he had already made another call. And he looked at me and said, can you believe this guy? He said, go get Lighthizer. And then he didn't even want to wait. He wanted to get on his next call. You know, so he just like it's just going a mile a minute. And, you know, he had a pretty intense schedule when he was in the Oval Office. Just, you know, lunch at this time. Three o'clock this.

The Boy Scouts are coming at four. But then on what would be considered a day off, it would still be work. But he'd be doing that from his phone, from his residence, from wherever he was.

Yeah. And from people that have been around him, they contrast that with other executives. Talk about, though, I mean, because there's there's a lot of attacks on him, unfortunately, from the right. What does Donald Trump believe politically?

It's the same in private as it is public. It is. Yeah. His instincts are phenomenal. He's very conservative. And I I would say he's traditionally and culturally American. He actually does want, you know, America first policies to be enacted. Whether or not that was always the case as it happened.

I don't know. But yeah, I just I think he's just culturally and traditionally American. You see, like when we have a big event at the White House, he wants like the flags. He wants the, you know, the military. He likes the pageantry. He loves the history.

There was times when we would walk up, you know, at night from the Oval Office back to the residence and we're just staring out at, you know, the south lawn of the White House. And you'd be like, can you believe this? You know, he really appreciated it.

And that was cool to see because I was a fair amount of awe and wonder. Yeah. Right. So what's what's your favorite Trump story that you're allowed to tell?

That I'm allowed to tell that I don't like talking about. Yeah, personally. But, you know, the night of the election in 2016, we went to six or seven states that day. Did rallies.

It's three in the morning. Michigan. Yeah. Yeah. We end, I think, with Michigan was the last one.

Grand Rapids, Michigan, was the last. And, you know, I'm taking his boxes of, you know, his newspapers and his speeches and everything. I'm taking all of his stuff up to his room.

It's three in the morning. Looks to me. So what do you think? I'm like, I think you got it. And then he gets his newspaper and he like slapped me on the arm.

He says, I think I do. I thought, wow, that's pretty cool. And then the next day, you know, shocked the world. Yeah.

In some ways, the shock and awe was not helpful because then bad people staffed the government. Right. There was no transition team.

There was no trip. We went on this thing called the thank you tour. That was a huge mistake.

Is that right? That was a catastrophic mistake because we were, you know, we we had done it for so long. We were used to every day.

We wake up, we go to a rally, we do this, we go to the photo line. So after he won, it was like, now what? And everyone's like, well, just continue what you were doing.

But now it's thank you. And, you know, when really we should have spent that few months just completely honing in, figuring out how government work, building a government, building a government. There were people that were doing that. But, yeah, I think the thank you tour took a little bit away. But then also just like, hey, maybe we shouldn't lead with the travel ban if we don't have people at DHS. Right. And in my opinion, the biggest thing to learn from the first ask of Congress should have been the wall, not health care.

It should have been used the mandate, the momentum for the wall. Right. Hey, everybody, Charlie Kirk here. And like many of you, I'm a busy guy balancing family show travel and TP USA. When I needed a mortgage, I went to my friends Andrew Delray and Todd Avakian at Sierra Pacific. They were amazing. And look, I had some complicated stuff.

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Fill out the quick form and they'll get you back with answers, andrewandtodd.com. Okay, so, Jon, I want to ask everything we've been talking about differently and different perspective. Give us an example of a time the president wanted to do something and actually got done rather seamlessly or effectively. Sure, that happened occasionally, the Paris Climate Accord. So why was that not fought? What can we learn from that maybe in a second term? That was early on. I think early on he had a lot of success just because the momentum, even though maybe like you were saying with Congress we should have done that or this with the executive stuff. I think early on maybe the travel ban, but he had some success. Another would be when you mentioned with James is like moving the embassy, you know, things that people were fighting him on, but that ultimately they caved. I don't know why. Like with the Paris thing, maybe it wasn't a big enough deal or a big enough threat to the machine.

It was like a non-Biting. It was a big deal, you know, it was a thing he campaigned on and said he was going to do and he did it, but I'm not sure why that specifically would go through and something else wouldn't. Yeah, I'm just trying to think of, so let's say Trump wins again, which is a big if at this time. He's got a lot of force to overcome. Michael Anton is like a black pill dispensary, right?

He's amazing, but he's like, ah, the forces against him are too powerful. Could be true. And by the way, I do not see the RNC or the Republican Party doing anything even close to getting us close to victory. I see a stumbling towards a bad outcome. We hopefully can fix it.

That's what Turning Point Action is doing, chase the vote and all that good stuff. Let's put, let's table that. Let's say we went back to the White House.

Amazing. What's going to be different, Johnny? You're part of some project, The Heritage.

I think I'm on the board of that thing as an advisor. What else? What's going to be different? Well, I think what we saw in the last year in terms of the personnel is that change can be done.

You don't need to be totally black pilled, although I do like Anton. And it doesn't take that many people, you know, we talk about 4000 political appointees and training the troops and that's all great. And you need to have a good bench. But if you had 50 to 100 killers that which we have, which we can find or we have, we have them here, right?

Yeah, we have it. You know how many times I tried to get turning point killers hired and it was always like said no. Right. In the Trump White House.

Not always. A couple people got hired. People like that, maybe people a little older that are more senior that could run an agency too.

But it only takes, you know, a good agency head that's strong willed and that's not going to back down when media pressure comes. And then people that are aligned with what the president wants to do. And then this will happen very quickly. So I'm white pilled on the whole thing if we were to pull off a victory.

Yes. So if we were to pull off a victory, what would, how would the transition look differently? I mean, it would be a lot of no's to a lot of lobbyists that feel entitled to these positions, right?

Yeah, it would be that. And also, you know, last time in 2016, they had this like make America great again dot gov, submit your resume. Those resumes were lost forever and it was like 70,000 of them now, but we're doing it.

Wait, what do you mean lost forever? No one actually ever read that. I don't know where they are.

I've never seen them, heard of them, never heard them used to get a real position. That's so sad. Johnny, these are like really cool people that are like MAGA professors and entrepreneurs that like spent their time filling out stuff. And like no one ever read their documents.

No, I don't think one person was hired off of that website. However, now, as you mentioned with Project 2025 at Heritage and whatever the official transition will be for the Republican nominee, which looks like it will be Trump. They're doing the work now. So we're getting the resumes now. We're going to get the people trained now. And that's going to help us, you know, just flood D.C. in January of 2025. With a beachhead.

With a beachhead, yeah. Instead of relying on a lot of the establishment people that aren't aligned, even though they might be good people, we're going to have a short time frame to really just hit the ground running and we need to start doing the work now. And that's what.

Yeah. And so it goes both ways, though, right? Because there was somebody in the White House that I won't say we'll talk about it privately. You probably know who I'm talking about that largely agreed with Trump, but had some differences of opinion. But it wasn't as much an ideological thing. It was what you mentioned earlier, a competency thing. But sometimes somebody would be all on board with Trump on the agenda, but they would just be like showing up to work late, not present well and be sloppy and slovenly and drunk and say things to girls like it just not.

Do you know what I mean? Like, oh, yeah, you know, you don't just need you need the kind of lethal combo of being a professional, but also being MAGA. And no one's better than that than the globalists in D.C. Well, that's that's such a smart point. So Mackenzie Goldman, they train right.

Well-trained, proper, well-dressed, groomed. Exactly. They make you feel like they're your best friend. You know, it's like, of course, I want to work with this person. That's such an interesting. Yeah.

So they kill it at that game. Our people can take a page out of that book. Hopefully the coaching they're going to do at Heritage and also just, you know, James or whoever is going to train these people before they enter the administration. They can give them some pointers, how to act, how to get things done. And also, yeah, just treat people with respect. You don't have to be hostile. At the end of the day, you have to realize you're in charge.

You're working on behalf of the president. They have to do what you say. So there's no reason to be, you know, crazy or, you know, hostile towards them. Yeah. So it's interesting.

What Mackenzie is best at is having like well-tailored, presentable, late 20-somethings with every possible criteria and degree. But they also hate the country. Right. Yeah. So they look good in meetings. Right. And they'll fill out the book reports.

But in reality, they're like ideologically against the agenda. Right. Yeah.

So that's like Miles Taylor, for example. Right. Probably looks good on a resume, put it together, shows up on time for the meeting, says the right things. Yes, sir.

His worldview is not aligned with an America first worldview. So getting our people that are aligned and then getting them presentable and competent and ready to work. It's going to be a lot of work. But luckily, we have a head start this time and we have good networks of people. And we also have people that were junior that we saw actually doing work that can now take on more senior roles because it's five years later.

So that'll be inspiring. So talk about some of the other lessons that you have from the time in the Trump White House that you think things we could have done better. I mean, talk especially about COVID. COVID things just just things just started to go off. You ever you spend time with Foushee?

No, I refuse to be near him. But yeah, like with COVID, you know, people were empowered that shouldn't have been. And then we tried to do a small course correction with what power we had in the personnel office.

We brought in Scott Atlas. You know, he had a great a great take on COVID, obviously, but he brought in people. He tried to, you know, change the narrative a bit, give a different perspective on it.

Couldn't make any headway, unfortunately. So it's getting people that are more aligned just from the get go. So you don't run into that situation like we had with COVID.

It's actually like painful to even think about that stuff. But it all goes back to just, yeah, who's who's in charge? And, you know, if they're empowered by the president or not, it's really remarkable. And, you know, creating the personnel because personnel is policy. Right.

And having the people that are able to do the job. Talk about where you were during the James Comey firing. That was really significant. That was on my birthday, actually. Tell us about it.

I wasn't actually around for it because I left early. But what do you mean exactly? Tell you about what? Just the dynamics, because I actually think the firing of James Comey was the official poking of the deep state bear. That's when we got Mueller. We got just this ridiculously hostile administrative state posture, recusal of Jeff Sessions not long before that.

Peter Strzok-Stroke smirk going into the White House and, you know, entrapping Lieutenant General Michael Flynn. Right. Yeah. You could say that was the start of it, because that was about five months into the first term of Trump. And that's a good point. I never thought of it that way. But that did lead to a lot of things and a lot of problems.

I don't have a great take on it, per se. Was there a fear or at least a conscious understanding at some point that the intelligence agencies were working against you? I think that was known. Yeah, I think, you know, they all came to Trump Tower during that transition period.

And looking back on it, that actually might be the first point. So tell us about that. You know, so you have this transition period, you have the president elect, and then basically they're all going to come tell you, here's how government works. You know, they come in in the suits, the mill aides there. Here's how the nukes work. Here's how the briefings work. Here's, you know, all our capabilities. And when you look at who was in that meeting initially, it's all of those bad actors.

The names don't all come to mind. But it's all those people that weren't aligned with Trump at all coming to tell him, here's how all of this works. I think at first he probably bought into some of that. But then, as you know, the story develops, we realize they're not working in his interest or America's interest. Well, and President Trump's instincts were right. He said he's tweeted out that the FBI spying on me and all this.

Senator Chuck Schumer goes on Rachel Maddow's show and says the intel agencies have six waves of Sunday to get back at you. This is before he was president. Right. Well, this also goes to the point of personnel is incredibly important.

We learned that that was a big takeaway. But there has to be major reforms to the executive branch itself. What do you mean? You know, the way it's structured from the 30s or 40s, which James talks a lot about, he had on yesterday, you know, is this whole idea and concept was, you know, came up from liberals. And it's, you know, it's left wing in nature and it only grows bigger. And every time it grows, it takes freedom away from us.

And it's in constant motion. So until we start tackling that as well, it's going to be difficult to get anything conservative done. A lot of conservatives think, well, you can't you can't, you know, get rid of the Department of Education. You know, but like that's probably what it will take. And, you know, you might have to just say, you know, we're clearing out the State Department and we're just starting from scratch. And that's going to be painful. You know, people are going to go up in arms. But at the end of the day, it might be in the best interest of our foreign policy to do that or our country at all. Yeah.

So I want to talk more about after the break, kind of build this out. But I think this is so important because, you know, President Trump, if he wins the nomination, he's going to give me to give people some assurances that we're not going to have more Deborah Birx or Anthony Fauci in the White House. Right. We're not going to put up with that.

We're not going to put up with that. OK, so the app is called The Right Stuff, Date Right Stuff. And Johnny in the break was like, it's mostly girls. Where are the men? Why are men not downloading your app as much? I think they don't believe it or they don't know about it. Or they think they're all being catfished or something.

Something. All of our marketing has been geared towards women. We're sort of doing the club model, you know, like get the girls on. The guys will follow. That's Bumble, right? Bumble is literally the feminist like girls go first.

We're not that. I just mean our marketing, like we try to attract girls onto it because we want to get them on first. And then we think the guys will follow. So, guys, now it's time to follow. It's called Date Right Stuff.

It's called The Right Stuff. Hey, Blake, you need to get on it. We're at Date Right Stuff.

Come on, Blake. We're at Date Right Stuff on social media. But you said you say that, you know, there's there's attractive women on this app. There are. And if you don't believe me, I'm going out with a new one every day, a part of a 50 first date series. And I'm meeting them all on the app. I don't know them.

It's fun. He's a very eligible bachelor, by the way. We'll be taking applications for Johnny Mac and Tees.

Please send them our way. And also for Blake. We've been trying. Maybe we'll do a double double blind date. You've got to set Blake up on date right stuff. Right. Let's do it.

That would be great. What are you learning about the dating scene? What are you learning about?

What has been shocking to you? Because I mean, oh, my gosh, there's a lot. Well, tell us the biggest problem with dating today is that not enough people are doing it.

That would be number one. And then I realize there's faults on both sides. And it's interesting to see the trends on the female side. Women are way too focused on their careers and their dogs. And on the men's side, they're not putting in nearly enough effort it takes to attract a good woman.

What do you mean effort? I mean, they're just overweight. They're sloppy. They're sloppy. They're lazy. They don't show up on time. They don't pay for the meal. Their profile. They don't pay for the meal.

You know, I mean, that's a conservative. Men probably a little are a little better with that. But I think we kind of forgot how to court someone, which I'm trying to show if you want to follow us on Instagram date right stuff.

So the guys need to step up their game. And then the girls, they need to be they need to, you know, after twenty five, you're your number one priority should be finding a husband. You know, I see a lot of girls in their 30s and they're like, well, you know, I can't do that Thursday night.

Can't do that Thursday night. It's like you should be doing that every night, you know, or like, you know, a little fluffies at home and fluffy, you know, like get your kids their dog. You know, you don't need to be obsessed with your dog. So why do you think that is? Because they think they can like freeze their eggs or something or that they've been.

I don't think they realize. I think even conservative women have been have bought into the career first lie. Just the yeah, the culture that we're in, you know, like do what guys do, get a career. And, you know, it's OK to wait. And what's not OK to wait that long, you know? No, there's there's a I mean, we get emails, hundreds of very regretful, late 30 something women with cats.

Yeah. And they've been lied to. And a lot of times it's not even their fault. They're just kind of just going through the motions. It's life, you know, but it's always somebody else's fault. What I notice in emails is it's not their own fault that they're no good guys or somebody said something mean to me.

And they're not wrong. I think guys have to step up their game, too. I think there's fault on both sides.

I think it's really interesting to watch. There's the question. You have these like simultaneous complaints that you have hookup culture going galore and yet people are super prude and don't want updates.

Which one is it or is it both? Well, no, I don't think I don't think people are hooking up that much. I mean, if you look at like the data on that, like compared to what do you see in your app? What I mean, meaning like, do you find longer lasting relationships or more hookup type?

No, for sure. It's a it's a platform for conservatives. So more people are dating with more intention there for sure. And that is a goal. I think dating apps are a good tool to use. And I'm not just saying that because I started one because you have things like social media where people have access to millions of people. And they're just constantly sending messages and then go on to the next girl or the next guy. And there's no intention there, at least here. You know, people are using a little intention. Tinder is like a hookup kind of spammy sort of thing in a way.

Hinge is probably the only comparable thing to what we're trying to do, which is still kind of losing its way and very left wing. This is definitely not Grindr. So, yeah, let me just kind of closing. Biggest lesson you learn from this is like, what is the biggest concern you have then for young people like societal, civilizational takeaway and concern is that people are waiting too long to get married and that social media and other things are giving guys access to way too many girls. And they need to be pairing up at a younger age rather than like I'm doing still in my 30s. Who am I to say it? But I'm married. I'm in my 20s.

I have a I have a kid. Everyone should do it. But you're seeing that troubling trend manifest itself. Yeah.

Luckily, ours is all conservative. So it's not as bad. And people are trying to link up. But yeah, that's a that's a bad trend. Why do people get so angry when you say that you should probably get married by that? You know, if you're a woman, you're 20. Why is that such a thought?

I don't know. I think they have this thing where, like, we're independent and we can do it on our own and we don't need a man. But it's not really about that. It's about like sharing your life with someone, building something together. And I think most who do that don't regret it.

And they're happy they did. John Mackenzie, everybody founder of Date Right Stuff. He's also single or so he says.

So is Blake. Got lots of single men. So let's fix that problem. John, E, thanks so much. Thank you. See you guys tomorrow. This is your moment to get the fight. Every tax deductible gift will be doubled. Join the ACLJ in the fight to keep America free.