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It's 5.05 and welcome in to a Wednesday edition of the Carolina Journal News Hour on Charlotte's FM News Talk 107.9 FM, WBT. I'm Nick Craig. Good morning to you.
Well, for those that follow politics closely here in North Carolina, you might notice that the North Carolina House and Senate both have dates on the calendar for this Wednesday, September the 2nd. The Senate set to convene at 10 a.m., the House at 10.30.
However, due to the adjournment resolution that was passed by lawmakers when they wrapped up business back last month, this will be what is called a skeleton session as a very small group of lawmakers will be there to gavel in and gavel out of the legislative session, regardless of what appears on the calendar, particularly in the North Carolina House. We are not expecting. Any action from either chamber until the middle parts of November after the November midterm election for lawmakers to wrap up any unfinished business in the legislative session before new lawmakers are sworn in in early January of 2027. We will see another one of these dates in October as well, where the House and Senate will appear that they will be gaveling in and conducting business.
However, according to all of our sources over at CarolinaJournal.com, we are not expecting that today. We'll be keeping an eye on those sessions that take place a little bit later on this morning and keep all of our eyes and attention on all of the rumor and speculation as to what mid-November will look like from the North Carolina General Assembly. In some other statewide news this morning, the North Carolina Department of Health and Human Services has announced new rules for the Medicaid program in the state in a press release earlier this week. They are releasing a what's known, what's next toolkit, including flyers, social media posts, a rake, a rack card, and a wallet card to help community organizations prepare for some changes taking place within North Carolina's Medicaid program on October the 1st. Changes include, but are not limited to, a work requirement for people covered by Medicaid expansion, twice-a-year redetermination for people on Medicaid expansion, and changes for coverage for non-citizens.
Beginning on October 1st, the only non-U.S. citizens eligible for Medicaid include people with a green card, children up to the age of 19, and women who are pregnant or within 12 months of postpartum after birth, who are lawfully residing in the United States but do not have permanent immigration status. People with Cuban or Haitian entry status and citizens of the freely associated couple. Of what are called freely associated states living in the United States. New rules start on January the 1st, 2027, for adults 19 to 64 without disability who receive Medicaid through the expansion program that we saw just a couple of years ago here in the state of North Carolina.
They will need to earn $580 each month per household to keep Medicaid or prove that they are working, go to school, or volunteer for 80 hours a month. People who do not meet the new rule will risk losing their full North Carolina Medicaid benefits. Also on January 1st, those between 19 and 64. who become eligible for Medicaid under Medicaid expansion will have to renew that every six months instead of once a year. That is the redetermination period that will be taking place.
Those that do not have to meet the new work requirement include parents, guardians, caretakers, relatives, or family caregivers for children under the age of 14 or a person with disability. Anybody who has been determined by NC Medicaid as having a disability and women who are pregnant or were in the last 12 months here across the program. These new rules are due to changes in President Donald Trump's one big beautiful bill act that was signed into law back on July or back in July of 2025. And some of these new changes in state law were passed by the General Assembly and signed into law in April of this year by Democratic Governor Josh Stein. He said in Tuesday's press release, Medicaid expansion provides life-saving coverage for approximately 740,000 of our neighbors in North Carolina.
These cruel federal cuts to health care will harm our people. rural hospitals and the entire health care system. Knowledge is power, so I appreciate our partners helping us spread the word so that eligible North Carolinians know what's next and what steps to take to protect their health care. It is important to note that some of these changes the governor did in fact approve when he signed this piece of legislation into law. Medicaid spending in North Carolina has nearly doubled over the last four years as expansion has taken place and it is a major portion of spending in the state's budget with total spending reaching a record now $41.6 billion across North Carolina.
The new state budget fully funds the state's projected Medicaid obligations for the coming fiscal year by authorizing nearly $41.6 billion in spending. That total includes a federal funding, state appropriations, provider assessments, and other receipts that are used. to fund Medicaid operations here in the Tarheel State. Of the forty one point six billion dollars in spending, the state is funding portion is seven point four six billion, with the remaining thirty four point one billion coming from federal funds, provider assessments and other fees. It was only just four years ago that the division's total budget was $21.6 billion.
Since expansion took place here in North Carolina, it has increased by roughly $20 billion, or a cool 93% increase in the last four years. Over the same period, the state's general fund appropriations rose from $4.71 billion to $7.46 billion, an increase of roughly 58% that the state is kicking into the program. Brian Valfour from the John Locke Foundation told the Carolina Journal, the dramatic rise in Medicaid spending over the past four years can be largely attributed to expansion. Since December of 2023, more than 730,000 people have been added to the Medicaid roles just through expansion alone. Combine that with increasing costs of coverage per person, and we will see this explosion in overall costs.
North Carolina launched Medicaid expansion in December of 2023, extending eligibility to adults earning up to 138 percent of the federal poverty level, with the federal government covering 90 percent of the benefits of the cost for the expansion population. And while again, most of that cost burden is on the federal government, it is still felt here in North Carolina, as we've seen. The state's portion of Medicaid funding increased 58% over just the last couple of years, rising from just over $4.7 billion to now $7.46 billion in that relatively short amount of time. Many warning that the expansion program here in North Carolina will continue to cost the state significant amounts of dollars as we continue to move forward. We'll be keeping an eye on this as it will likely continue to be a major topic of debate as budget conversations will kick off or are expected to kick off, I should say, early next year in the North Carolina General Assembly.
You can read more on this story by visiting our website this morning, CarolinaJournal.com. Look for the story with the headline: NC Medicaid rolls out new work and renewal requirements. Your morning rituals can set the trajectory for your day. Optimize your morning routine and fuel your mindset with the G2 boost collection from Pilot. Powered by the science of color, these premium gel pens feature curated colors designed to power your day.
Blue for productivity, purple for creativity, and pink for optimism. Go grab your pack of G2 boosts today at Walmart. G2 Boost, Hues to power you. It's 5:18. Welcome back to the Carolina Journal News Hour, Charlotte's FM News Talk 107.9 FM, WBT.
Last week here on the Carolina Journal News Hour and over on our website, CarolinaJournal.com, we've been keeping you up to date with an interesting legal challenge as it relates to political ad. A couple of high-profile members running for United States Congress, including here in North Carolina, Senate candidate and former Democrat Governor Roy Cooper, had been in a legal challenge as it relates to political airtime and questions over whether outside organizations not affiliated with political campaigns should be offered the same lowest rate that is prescribed to the candidates themselves. It's an interesting question to bring us up to date on the latest this morning. Mitch Kokai from the John Locke Foundation joins us on the Carolina Journal News Hour. Mitch, for those that maybe have not heard of this story, can you give us a quick overview and summary as to how we got to this point and then the latest that you're tracking out of the Fourth Circuit?
Sure. For those who don't follow this process really closely, they should know that in the closing days of a political campaign, broadcast entities that are regulated have to offer the lowest price possible for ads in election campaigns. And that has applied to political candidates and their campaign committees.
Now, some guidance that the Federal Communications Commission offered earlier this year, back in March, suggested that this Not gift, but actually something that's of benefit to the political entities should not only be applied to the candidates themselves, but also to political parties and to joint fundraising committees that run ads on behalf of particular candidates. But that guidance was out there for several months, but then some Democratic candidates, including, as you mentioned, Roy Cooper, also John Ossoff of Georgia, Sherrod Brown of Ohio, and a congressmember from Michigan all sued. They went to the, they basically they first went to the FCC to try to get some guidance to try to change that rule so that the lowest possible rate would only apply to candidates. But there was not any action on that. Their request was still pending.
So they took the case to the Fourth Circuit, the Fourth U.S. Circuit Court of Appeals, and asked the Fourth Circuit to step in and block that change from taking place. The Fourth Circuit did step in, as we initially reported during our conversation with you: a split 2-1 ruling, two Democratic-appointed judges ruling in the majority, a Republican judge dissenting, and the Democratic judges sided with the Democratic candidates and said that only candidates could benefit from the lowest possible rate as guaranteed by the federal law.
So the latest development. Is that the National Republican Congressional Committee and the National Republican Senatorial Committee, so the committees for the parties that try to elect members of the U.S. House and Senate, have asked the Supreme Court to step in and overrule the Fourth Circuit. mainly saying that the Fourth Circuit stepped into something that it shouldn't have stepped into, that the Fourth Circuit can only deal with final decisions from the Federal Communications Commission, the FCC, and there hasn't been a final decision. What was challenged was guidance that was put out by the FCC's media bureau and not any kind of final decision by the FCC itself.
And so that's the main reason why the Republican groups are saying that the Fourth Circuit should not have taken the action that it did. But they're also saying that basically on the merits of this, you're stepping into a political campaign because these rates would go into effect this coming Friday, and that the Fourth Circuit's stepping in, changing the status quo too close to an election, and they're giving an advantage to one group, the committees that are representing particular candidates, while disadvantaging political parties and these joint fundraising committees that would also have the same rights to participate in the election, trying to sway voters one way or another. Interestingly enough, the Republican groups are the ones who filed the request to the state Supreme Court. To the U.S. Supreme Court for an emergency application.
And that was done on Friday. The following Monday, the U.S.
Solicitor General, on behalf of the FCC and on behalf of the federal government itself, sided with the Republican group saying, yes, this is a case of the Fourth Circuit stepping in where it shouldn't have. There's a deadline coming up on Thursday at noon for the other side, the Democratic candidates, to have their response. And then presumably at some point after that, the U.S. Supreme Court will decide whether the Fourth Circuit's ruling gets to stand or not. Mitch, when we talked about this last week and we discussed the possibility of these Republican groups trying to run this up the ladder and get some sort of relief from, in this case, the only other place they could go, the nation's high court, I asked you the question, you know, what does this look like in terms of a timeline?
You just laid out some of it. Is this something that the Supreme Court could act on in this quick manner? Here we are on Wednesday morning. You mentioned this deadline set for Friday for these rates to kick in, some other additional legal briefings and documents due on Thursday. We're talking about consecutive day timelines here for something to happen.
Is that practical in your estimation? Yes, it certainly could. This is being done in the court's emergency dockets.
So this is not a case where the Supreme Court decides we're going to take a case several months later. There's oral arguments and then some months later, there's a final decision. This is something that's going to be done on a very quick basis. The Chief Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court, John Roberts, is the one who set the deadline for Thursday at noon for any responses.
In fact, he set that deadline before the Solicitor General stepped in and filed his document on Monday.
So he basically said, okay, we already know where we stand on this. Let's go ahead and get that in there. I suspect that the Democratic candidates will take as long as they have. They'll file something as close to noon on Thursday as possible so that there is just a very short window for the U.S. Supreme Court to decide before this rule would take effect on September 4th on Friday.
But yes, this is the type of thing where you would not see, I suspect, a lengthy 200-page decision. What would happen would be the court would vote one way or another, and there may be. A decision saying, yes, we're going to grant this emergency application with probably not a whole lot of explanation. And then whoever dissents from it would write a fairly short dissent, maybe five, ten pages, talking about why they don't agree. Or the court may decide not to grant the emergency application.
And then there might not be much written at all. It'll just be a very short. Brief, like one or two paragraphs saying we're not taking this up. But this is the type of thing that they could address fairly quickly just on the nature of whether to block what the Fourth Circuit did. The idea of whether this type of decision could ultimately stand would be something that would be off into the future.
But if the Supreme Court decides to step in and block what the Fourth Circuit did, then the rules, as the FCC had contemplated, would be in effect for this. election cycle and then the ultimate decision about Whether this rule should stand or not would be resolved at some point in 2027 or later. Really, what all sides care about right now is how is this going to affect this election? And the Supreme Court could make a decision that decides that. relatively quickly and without having to write a whole lot.
No, and let's talk about a little bit about the impact on this upcoming election.
Some folks might, Mitch, might be listening to this conversation saying, You guys are way in the weeds on this discussion. And for those, unlike you and I, Mitch, who have spent a lot of time in media, the relevance of this is one that's very important. This lowest rate is something that plays out, and you will see if you've worked inside of television or radio, both of which terrestrial television or radio are regulated by the FCC. If you sell any advertising to any private business or any other entity within that political window, the lowest rate that you have charged any private business has to be given to those political candidates and/or those closely aligned political committees. Not the case for these outside groups in the past that we are discussing here on the program this morning.
So, you could be talking about rates doubling or tripling if that lowest rate is not expended to these outside groups. That either means A, less airtime for some of these outside groups. Side groups, maybe less money put into a specific race. There is a very crucial impact on what this final decision ends up looking like and how much money is spent on a lot of these very high-profile races, not only here in North Carolina, but across the rest of the nation. That's right.
I mean, the ultimate point is the dollars for these political parties and joint fundraising committees wouldn't go as far. They would not be able to buy as much as they had been planning to because they had been planning since the FCC issued this guidance back in March to be able to buy ads at the same rates that the political candidates did. And in fact, one of the parts of the emergency application that came out late last week was the idea that some contracts had already been made and broadcasters were going back now and rescinding the contracts because obviously they want to make as much money as they can.
So they would say, okay, well, you don't get this guaranteed low rate anymore. You could still get these ads, but you're going to have to pay a much higher rate. And there's limited amount of money.
Some people might not think so, but there is at some point a limit on how much you can spend on these things. And so, if your dollars are not going to go as far, that means you buy fewer ads. You may make decisions to spend an ad in one campaign and not another because you have less money to work with and you have to prioritize. That could have an impact here in North Carolina, where at the start of the year, you would say this is going to be one of the highest priority elections in the United States for our Senate seat. But recent polling suggests that maybe it's not.
Going to be as high priority because the Democratic candidate Roy Cooper, who is a party to this lawsuit, is seen as having a particular advantage. If his Republican opponent, Michael Watley, and the Republican Party and outside groups that might fund Michael Watley have less of an opportunity to get these low rates, that may mean fewer ads supporting Michael Watley. And it could end up making a difference. Maybe not, but it could. And it could have an impact in some of these other races.
We mentioned that the other candidates who are involved in this are in the hotly contested Georgia Senate race, hotly contested Ohio Senate race, and a Michigan congressional race.
So this could, as you suggested, have an impact not just in North Carolina. but in hotly contested races across the country.
Well, regardless of what the final decision is on this, at least maybe a temporary final decision on this for the immediacy of this election, Mitch, to the chagrin of many, you will see plenty of political ads on television. You will hear plenty of those on radio in the weeks to come. We will be keeping a very close eye on this as we transition into the latter parts of this week and see if the United States Supreme Court decides to do anything with this case. At this point in time, we have continuing coverage over on our website this morning, CarolinaJournal.com. We appreciate the update this morning.
Mitch Kokai from the John Locke Foundation joins us on the Carolina Journal News Hour. Your morning rituals can set the trajectory for your day. Optimize your morning routine and fuel your mindset with the G2 boost collection from Pilot. Powered by the science of color, these premium gel pens feature curated colors designed to power your day. Blue for productivity, purple for creativity, and pink for optimism.
Go grab your pack of G2 boosts today at Walmart. G2 Boost, Hughes to power you. It's 5:38. Welcome back to the Carolina Journal News Hour, Charlotte's FM News Talk, 107.9 FM. WBT, I'm Nick Craig.
Good Wednesday morning to you.
Well, it won't be long before early voting kicks off here across the state of North Carolina for the 2026 midterm elections. Over the last couple of weeks, the North Carolina State Board of Elections has met in a traditional process they go through to approve the early voting schedule that will take place in all 100 counties across the state of North Carolina to walk through some of those details and what voters can expect to see here in North Carolina. It's our pleasure to welcome Dr. Andy Jackson from the John Locke Foundation back to our airwaves this morning here on the Carolina Journal News Hour. Andy, there's been a lot of social media chatter, a lot of news reports across the state over the last couple of weeks about how the new Republican-controlled state board of elections and local county boards are going to hack and slash early voting locations and hours across the state of North Carolina.
Those plans are finalized now ahead of that October the 15th deadline. What have you seen in the numbers?
Well, far from going down, the number of early voting sites in North Carolina actually has gone up a little bit. It was 359 in 2022, which is the last comparable election, a midterm election, and it's up to 367 this year. Similar story for the number of early voting hours. We went from about 55,000 to about 56,500.
So strictly in terms of number of sites and how long sites are going to be open, there's actually going to be more opportunity for early voting for most voters across the state. Yeah, Andy, it's a really interesting point. As I noted, some of the online chatter and some of the very partisan, and no surprise, we're talking about politics after all. A major election coming up later this year, a lot of politicking going on. What gives on this?
I mean, you would see reading some of this stuff, you'd think that the sky was falling and folks would have to stand in line for six or seven hours to cast a ballot during the early voting window. Was there any discussion over the last couple of weeks of seriously limiting early voting here in North Carolina, or was this just more politics being politics? This was really politics.
Now, um Generally speaking, you're not really going to have much impact on turnout if you're going to be tweaking early voting. But the reality isn't what drives a lot of this. It's the perception of political advantage.
So both Republicans and Democrats would prefer to have early voting locations situated in places they think more of their voters are located.
So for example, some of this fight over college campuses. Democrats believe college campuses are a fertile ground for them. They would love to have early voting sites on as many college campuses as they could get, for example. Republicans comparatively would like to see more early voting sites, maybe out in more rural parts of the counties, you know, for where folks ordinarily would have to drive half an hour to vote early in some of the more urban areas in their area. Republicans like to get those moved out a little bit.
And so this little kind of... Minutia fight over location is really what this has all been about. Same thing with Sunday voting. You mentioned at the open of your previous statement that changing and modifying this slightly really won't affect voter turnout and impact that in any substantial way. Why is that the case?
What the If you go back, I mean, this is something that we've seen. This is, there's political theory behind it. It has been backed up by political fact. The biggest impediment for somebody to vote is actually having a reason to vote, having a motivation to vote. For a lot of folks, voting is way on down their list of things that they need to do.
I need to go to the ballgame. I need to work extra hours. And they don't really see the benefit that comes, even if it's very easy to vote. It takes an effort, at least mentally, to know who do you want to vote for? What are my positions on issues?
Who best represents me? And that can be a challenge. That's the real impediment to voting. People that have the motivation to vote are going to vote. And there may be some borderline cases where there's somebody that, you know.
Maybe I'll vote, maybe I won't vote, but if somebody grabs my hand and pulls me to a voting place, I'll vote. But that's a relatively Tiny segment of the population. Most people, the mechanism that causes you to vote or not vote is an internal mechanism. And obviously, that is very relevant here during a midterm election. Traditionally, why we see the party not in charge in Washington, D.C., outperforming the party that is currently in charge.
We'll wait and see if that comes to fruition coming up here in early November. Let's go back to these early voting locations. I had the pleasure of tuning into the more than 11 and a half-hour North Carolina State Board of Elections meeting that they had back just a couple of weeks ago. And there was this debate over those college locations and some of these other sites, not just colleges across North Carolina. And Andy, as I watched the debate and the conversation play out, there seemed to be a lot of discussion over ease of access.
And some of these colleges and other locations, there were concerns about large campuses where it wasn't immediately clear where the early voting location would actually be on that property, limitations on handicap spots and overall parking lots in general during this busy early voting period. That's been pretty consistent, though. these meetings over the last couple of years doesn't seem like it's anything brand new. It's not. And this has been an issue that has been going on as long as we've had voting sites in or near college campuses.
A lot of colleges and universities are designed to be insular. They're designed to kind of format their own community.
So that if you're not a part of that college community, if you're not staff, faculty, a student, it really can be kind of hard to get in there. The pathways, the roads can be confusing. They're not really designed to have outside groups come in and get access to them. Parking can be a problem if you do not have a university permit. And so these were the kind of things that happened over and over again.
And once again, going back to what I said earlier, for people that are motivated, they'll find a way, but this can have a small marginal impact on access.
So in an ideal situation, you would want to have something where you would have reasonable access. For students who may not have transportation otherwise, especially in some of these urban campuses. But the sites also need to be accessible to the general population because you don't want to essentially have. A voting place behind a wall, as it were. And so that's the balance that we had.
And we saw this debate on Wake County with the NC State campus. They moved it from a spot in the middle of campus to a spot on the edge of campus that had more access to the general community. Western Carolina, we saw the same thing where they moved it, I think it was a student union, they moved it to a student health center that, once again, has more access to the general population there. And so that's the kind of things that we see all the time. And there was a slight decrease on campus locations.
I think it went from like 10 to 8. But once again, it wasn't a huge impact. Yeah, no question about that. And we'll, of course, be able to see once we get through the November election into the early parts of next year and truly are able to dig into some of these data files and data sources, Andy, whether or not this did have a major impact on voting in the state of North Carolina, specifically on these campuses.
So we'll be keeping an eye on that in the months that follow the election. One of the other major things that had been discussed during this early voting period was Sunday voting. This is something that is relatively new in the state of North Carolina in the grand scheme of elections taking place. Another issue that, from my vantage point, seemed very political in nature.
So where does Sunday voting shake out in these 2026 midterms?
Well, Sunday voting actually has declined quite a bit. It went from 40 counties offering Sunday voting in 2022 for at least one of the two Sundays during the early voting period down to 17.
So that's a marked decline. And once again, there is a partisan split there. Democrats believe that Sunday voting benefits them because particularly with black voters, they try to organize so-called souls to the polls events where they can get folks from churches or from community events and essentially march them in to the polling places. And Republicans don't really have a comparable thing.
Now, it's a little bit difficult to parse out the data on this because the counties. That tend to offer Sunday voting tend to be more urban counties. And so those tend to vote Democratic anyhow.
So the numbers bear out that Sunday voting does tend to benefit Democrats, but it's a little difficult to parse out: well, is it the fact that it's Sunday, or is it the fact that it's Sunday in predominantly Democratic-leaning areas? That's a really good point.
Now, how about the overall turnout on Sundays? One of the products that we'll be talking about in the weeks and months to come. One of your favorite projects, Andy, the North Carolina Vote Tracker. Traditionally, looking at a lot of those graphs, Sunday voting, the turnout is incredibly low across the state of North Carolina. I guess it may be in large part due to the fact that there's not that many counties that have even offered it, even in the past, 40% of North Carolina counties.
It doesn't seem like there's a huge rush to the polls on Sundays, even when it is an option. Yeah, the thing about Sunday voting, and to a lesser extent, the Saturday voting, except for the last Saturday, is that people like to have their weekends. Once again, they've got other things they're doing.
Now, on a per-hour basis, Sunday voting is often at least as used on a per-hour basis as Saturday voting and sometimes even weekday voting. The issue is, It's only offered usually for about a four-hour period in the afternoon. I don't realistically think that if you started offering Sunday morning voting, you would somehow double the number of people showing up on Sundays. That just isn't going to happen. And so these kinds of things, if you're going to close for one day, Sunday is the day you would want to close.
Like if you wanted to give your workers a break, if you had a logistical reason to not be open every day, Sunday is the most logical day to do it just because you're going to have fewer votes altogether than any other day of the week.
Well, let's close on the logistical side of this, Andy. It is important to note that in North Carolina, our voting takes place essentially independently in all 100 counties with their board of elections here in North Carolina. A lot of man hours, a lot of staff hours to keep all of these voting locations open for what is a very lengthy, 17-day early voting period across the Tar Heel State. There is significant strains as it relates to part-time employees and other folks that actually make these elections play out during this early voting window. Yeah, yeah, and it's the personnel you have to do.
It's not just today, you also have to do the training. And so all of this does, you know, go into how much it costs to run these things, especially in some of these more rural counties. It's not an accident that a lot of counties only have early voting at the Board of Elections office or at a government facility near the Board of Elections office. It's just that opening that second location and having the training and getting the additional personnel can be a real jump financially. And a lot of times you can get government locations, so you're not going to have to pay rent, but sometimes these early voting locations, you are going to have to pay for the right to use those locations.
And once again, that takes money.
So yeah, there is a logistical challenge.
Now, it's not. Impossible challenge. These counties can do it. It's one of those things: if there is a will, there's a way. But you can't deny that there is a challenge there.
Yeah, no question about it. For those that will be voting during that early voting period, when you walk in, you can see all the various bodies that are needed in just one of those locations. You translate that out to some of our larger counties across North Carolina where there can be a dozen plus early voting locations open from October the 15th all the way through the beginning of November. We're going to be talking a lot about early voting. We'll be keeping a close eye on that.
For those that are interested in some more information on how these hours shake up in comparison to previous years, Andy's got a great write-up over on johnlock.org. We appreciate the information this morning. Andy Jackson from the John Locke Foundation joins us on the Carolina Journal News Hour. It's 5.56. Good morning again, and welcome back to the Carolina Journal News Hour.
Charlotte's FM News Talk 107.9 FM, WBT. An interesting afternoon on the floor of the United States House yesterday as colleagues of Congressman Chuck Edwards, the Republican out of North Carolina's 11th congressional district, officially voted to censure him. The final vote Tuesday, 413 to 2 to censure Chuck Edwards. We have been keeping a very close eye on all of the fallout there. This report from the House Ethics Committee leading to him announcing he would not be running for re-election.
We are turning around some audio and video for that. We'll have that coming up for you tomorrow morning right here on the Carolina Journal News Hour. That's going to do it for a Wednesday edition. WBT News is next, followed by Good Morning BT. We'll see you tomorrow morning, 5-6, right here on Charlotte's FM News Talk 107.9 FM WBT.
Yeah.
