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of any purchase of one hundred dollars or more. That's promo code BRIAN. Jonathan Turley joins us now.
So Jonathan, the President never says he's wrong, but he does say they need somewhat of a course correction. After the death of two You know, two beyond protesters, activists, I would say, your reaction to what's taken place over the last few days.
Well, you know, it's very funny to hear Tom Holman constantly thank the unprecedented cooperation by the governor, attorney general, and mayor. It's like getting the kiss from Marlon Brando. These are people whose base wants no cooperation at all. And so it's a very clever way of reminding people that the operation is going to go forward. It's just that the conditions have changed.
I think that this spiraled out of control. It wasn't, I think, entirely the fault of the administration. You have people who were trying to trigger these confrontations, and they will continue to do so. But ultimately, the polling on immigration enforcement remains very high. It's just that the methods here have got to be changed.
I mean, these people that wanted a confrontation succeeded in getting those optics.
So, Jonathan, tell me if this is what's legal.
So, we see this organization form. These are the anti-ICE organizations. We see that they communicate. We see them running plates. We see them through the signal app communicating, setting up an army.
In fact, people are getting paid. Then we watch over the weekend they're setting up checkpoints in these cities. Out of everything I mentioned, what's allowed? What's this organization? And what's illegal?
Well, citizens are allowed to take photographs in public, including using public information like license plates. They are not allowed to create checkpoints, and they are not allowed to stop other citizens. They don't have authority for that.
So presumably, those checkpoints will be taken down. That's what Tom Holman said was promised to him by the sheriff. That's got to happen.
So you write this book, Un the reveals the unfinished story of the American Revolution. It's called Rage and the Republic. When did you realize going back to seventeen seventy six would be beneficial to understanding what we're doing now?
Well, you know, it is it is a fascinating journey because the first half of the book looks at the conditions and personalities and events that led to this unique republic. And it looks specifically at the American and French revolutions that occurred around the same time and asks the question why one, the American Revolution, became the oldest and most successful democracy in history, and the other went on to become the so-called reign of terror, with tens of thousands of people being guillotined.
So the book identifies those critical factors and then asks for the second half: can that republic survive in the 21st century? We're facing unprecedented challenges from robotics to AI to global governance systems to what I call the rise of the new Jacobins.
Now, those were the people that brought us the French Revolution. But we're hearing many of those same voices today: people who want more direct democracy. They want to take down a lot of the Madisonian precautions that were the reason why the American Revolution succeeded. It's the reason we're here today. Give me an example of taking down some of Madison's role in the writing of the Constitution.
Well, we've seen this before. You know, the book looks through the eyes or certainly follows the journey of Thomas Paine, one of the most fascinating historical figures I've ever written about. And Paine has a distinction of being one of two figures that played a role in both the American and French Revolution, the other being Lafayette. Paine was not a great advocate of these precautions by Madison. And when he went to France, He supported their effort to have greater democratic will to reduce these barriers and limitations.
It damn near killed him. He came within twenty four hours of being executed. And he realized That the real miracle of Philadelphia was that they found the sort of secret sauce, the way to have democracy in a republic without it destroying itself. Because the framers were afraid of creating a mobocracy because history has shown democracies can devour themselves.
So when you listen to these voices today, a lot of them are trying to take down those very precautions. You've got law professors, deans saying that the U.S. Constitution is a failure. Many want to take down or pack the Supreme Court, change the U.S. Senate, get rid of the Electoral College.
All of these things are ways to control... control impulse to keep us from destroying ourselves. But they say the filibuster was not in the Constitution, the 60-vote margin. You want to clarify that?
Well, the fact is that we have many of these protections for the minority. That's what the Senate really is. The filibuster proved to be a very important development to protect the minority, but it forces compromises. And that's exactly what many don't want to hear. In my book, I talk about one Harvard professor who I debated who sort of said the quiet part out loud and said, here's how we have to radically change government so that, quote, Republicans will never win again.
But he said, we first have to get hold of the Supreme Court and change it because it will never allow these things to occur.
Well, that really is what we're talking about here. That is, you have many on the left who want substantial changes on our 250th anniversary of the system that brought us here. And there's, see, what the president always says, and I'm not for this, is, well, we should change the filibuster because as soon as they take power, they're going to do it.
So let's just go ahead of it. But the thing is, as you know, Jonathan, better than anybody, is that if we watch now the Republicans, House and Senate get rid of the filibuster and just change things, we're going to have whiplash when Democrats gain power because it's going to change it right back.
Well, this is going to be a test of principle for the Democrats. My understanding is that Democratic senators have told their colleagues that they will hold the line and preserve the filibuster and will see. Why do we believe him now when it was only cinema and mansion that stopped him before? That's exactly right. And that is the concern.
But it is worth keeping in mind that the more we get into these types of direct democracy methods, it creates greater instability for us. And you're going to see much of this agenda carried out. And we're going to need those things. In Rage and the Republic, I talk about the combination of robotics and AI and the fact that we're going to lose a lot of jobs. And it's going to be a real stress test for the system.
This book makes a strong case for capitalism. I believe capitalism is the solution here. And it reminds people that this is our 250th anniversary, not just of the revolution, but the publication of Wealth of Nations by Adam Smith. And that book was not a great hit in Europe, it was a great hit here. The founders immediately recognized that his economic theory was the perfect companion of their political theory because we had the first Enlightenment revolution.
But they knew that there could be no liberty unless people were economically independent.
So what I write about in the book is we have to avoid what's coming, which is a large population of unemployed, unproductive citizens subsidized by the government, because we cannot have a kept citizenry and keep this republic. This is Ainslie Earhart. Thank you for joining me for the 52-episode podcast series, The Life of Jesus. A listening experience that will provide hope, comfort, and understanding of the greatest story ever told. Listen and follow now at FoxnewsPodcasts.com or wherever you listen to podcasts.
Right. And people talk about a basic income.
So, we have to find a way, you know, find a way. People say, Well, AI is different. I don't know if you can make that comparison. I don't know if I bought into it yet, but you know, when we were selling horses and cars come in, and the whole destroyed horse sales. If you're a blacksmith, your business is going to drop pretty significantly.
In comes the computer, and things change. I'm sure a lot of accountants lost their jobs. You know, then I'm sure TurboTax hurt a lot of other people that a lot of other accountants.
So, the progress is made, society's got to adjust. But, let me ask you something. What could you do in terms of getting Wealth of Nations into schools? What could you, and how do you convince Democrats that that's important? Is it possible?
Well, you know, Raging in the Republic talks about the increased support for socialism and communism, particularly among younger people. And these are people who never saw or experienced the collapse of socialist governments in the 20th century. All they have are these sound bites from people like Mondami, who I talk about in the book, introducing them to the quote warmth of collectivism. These are lines that came right out of that period. I talk about when Mitterrand was elected the socialist leader of France.
He actually appointed a minister of leisure, telling the public that he was going to have someone help them with all of the leisure they would have in a socialist nation. And of course, the economy collapsed. But we don't have to wait for that, right? And I am a big fan of Trump accounts, I think it's brilliant. Because it's going to show young people that investment and savings can make you truly independent.
That if you want to be free, You've got to be economically free. You can't be part of a kept citizenry. That is such a great point. And I just think that it's so hard to tell everybody at once from 12 to 70, we're getting off course and what course you're taking about. And socialism is not going to work.
Some people are convinced, but I just think somehow changing the education system, not to be conservative, not to be liberal, but to be pro-American without being propaganda. I just don't know why and why it's in our interests for either party to not have. US History.
So Written about in a positive way. It's the most positive story you could write. Just tell it as it is. Don't spin it and don't ignore it. And don't ignore it, number one.
And number two, don't write it wrong. You're writing it backwards. You embrace something like the 1619 project, and it's so hard to get that out of schools, but it's hard to get back in the other text, the others, the other history books that we used to have. No, that's absolutely right. I mean, ultimately, you know, Rage and the Republic is optimistic.
I mean, I think the book, I know the book, believes that we will survive this century and thrive, but only if we can answer a question that was raised by a French writer at the beginning of our Republic. Because Europe was fascinated by us. We seemed to be like a new species to them. Because remember, we had nothing in common. We didn't have any history, culture, religion that really bound everyone.
We had a legacy of ideas, and it fascinated Europe. And so, this French writer wrote this question that I talk about in the book a lot: what then is this America? And it's an incredibly profound question at the time, and still is. We need to understand if we're going to face the challenges ahead, and they are immense. We're going to have to understand who then is this American?
Who were we? And who are we now? If we can answer that question, we'll flourish in this century because these are revolutionary times, but we are a revolutionary people. And that was it. When Thomas Jefferson, I think people misinterpret, but you're the expert.
People misinterpret. Jefferson said it was good every once in a while to spill some blood and have a revolution. And to paraphrase what he wanted, I don't think he really thinks that we should be shooting each other in the streets to change laws, especially him. He was somebody who wouldn't even form a militia when asked during the revolution. No, that's right.
You know, our unique republic is the product of so many geniuses, including Jefferson. But I focus on Thomas Paine, who was sort of the righteous Republican. He knew what it would take to move a people to revolution. But James Madison knew what it would take to move a revolution into a republic. It was the combination of those two figures that captures this unique quality about the American Republic.
And we had to change after we won the war from the Articles of Confederation were not working. And we had to come up with the Constitution.
So, even after we win the war, we went almost from that into a crisis, which we stood up and we solved that crisis. And we're not at that point now, but it's good to recognize it early. And you outline it in your book. It's called Rage in the Republic. Pick it up, Jonathan.
I look forward to talking to you again soon. Thanks so much. Thank you, my friend.
